|
政治权力是政治学和政治哲学的研究课题。在唯物史观下，政治权力是工具形式和价值形式的有机统一。从工具形态上看，政治权力本质上表现为一种以强制力为基础的力量；从价值上看，政治权力本质上指向一种特定的阶级统治。在政治实践中，政治权力在工具维度和价值维度之间是锑的现象，这是否是因为作为工具的政治权力在形式上有效运行，作为政治权力在形式上的价值是否是统治阶级利益的根本这取决于政治权力将获得多少政治权力给另一方。政治权力只有建立在稳固的合法性基础上，才能转化为政治权威，从而获得权力相对人的自我认同和普遍服从。因此，政治权威的核心是获得对方的认同和共同服Political power is the research topic of political science and political philosophy. Under the view of historical materialism, political power is the organic unity of tool form and value form. In terms of instrumental form, political power is essentially manifested as a force based on coercive force; In terms of value, political power essentially points to a certain type of class rule. In political practice, political power in the tool dimension and value dimension is the antimony between the phenomenon, whether this is because as a tool of political power in the form of effective operation, as a political power in the form of value whether the ruling class interests, fundamentally depends on the political power will gain political power to and how much to the other party. Political power is only based on the solid legitimacy, which translates into political authority, so as to obtain the self-recognition and universal obedience of the power counterparts. Political authority at heart, therefore, is to obtain the other party in power of identity and common obey political power: the formation of the concept of political authority as the core content of political power.In addition, firstly, Karl Marx's conceptions of power and domination are introduced; secondly, Max Weber's conceptions of power and domination are explained; thirdly, Michel Foucault's conceptions of power and domination are indicated.
从的政治权力：政治权威概念的形成是政治权力的核心内容，此外，首先介绍了马克思的权力观和统治观。其次，阐述了马克斯·韦伯关于权力和支配的概念；第三，指出了米歇尔·福柯关于权力和支配的概念。
马克思的权力观和统治观如下。马克思从社会工作的角度指出，家庭和组织得到了他们需要的社会物品。首先，这种不平等伴随着一个更大的社会制度，它创造了一种权利感并使之永存，反过来又阻碍了社区或家庭制度的正常运转。这些受损的系统不能保护个人免受不利情况的影响。这个循环只能通过改变功率分布来逆转（hibou，2006，第2-3页）。也就是说，由于各种原因，社会中存在着没有权利，要改变这种状况只能向权力再分配，而要实现这一目标只能通过增加权力（hibou，2006，第3-4页）。
。Karl Marx's conceptions of power and domination are indicated as follow. From social work’s point of view, Marx pointed out that Families and organizations get the social goods they need. Firstly, this inequality is accompanied by a larger social system that creates a sense of entitlement and perpetuates it, which in turn prevents the community or the family system from functioning well. These damaged systems do not protect individuals from negative aspects of the situation. This circle can only be reversed by changing the distribution of power(Hibou, 2006, p 2-3). That is to say, due to various reasons exist in the society has no right to, want to change this situation can only to the redistribution of power, and to achieve this goal only by increasing power (Hibou, 2006, p 3-4).
其次，人们对更高层次的生存需要：在实现政治权力、丰富精神文化生活、以及环境保护等方面提出了更高的要求（巴斯蒂安，2016，p803）。人的需求是多层次的、多方面的，是发展的，人民自由实现的多层次的、多方面的需求是多层次的、多方面的，社会主义建设的发展和人民的满意是一个不断发展的过程。更全面（hibou，2006，第3-4页）
Secondly, the people to a higher level on survival needs: on the realization of political power, rich in the spiritual and cultural life, as well as on environmental protection of the sustainable development, and so on aspects put forward higher requirements(Bastien, 2016, p803). Man's demand is multilevel, multifaceted, is the development, the multilateral requirements demand by the people's freedom to achieve is multilevel and various, and the development of socialist construction and to the satisfaction of the people free to implement is a process of constant development and more comprehensive(Hibou, 2006, p 3-4).
Thirdly, with the development of economy, however, after the basic survival to solve, people are bound to pursue more power in politics, pursue to the protection of their various rights and interests, also is able to share common political governance rights, more freedom in politics(Mark, 2012, p 1-2); At the spiritual and cultural level, people have higher requirements for spiritual culture after basic survival needs, and aspire to a higher level of spiritual and cultural life. At the same time, how to ensure the healthy sustainability of economic development, solve the increasingly prominent resource depletion in the economic development, the tension between human and nature, and so on(Jacobs, 2017, p 326).
All in all, with the development of economy and the overall social progress, people's demand not just content to eat satisfied wear warm, people in all aspects of economy, politics, culture and ecology are put forward higher claim, which is both the problems facing with the development of socialist construction, but also people in the inevitable development intrinsic demand, only for the people concerned to respond in a timely manner and to solve, can get better people's identity, and to get better ideology leadership(Hibou, 2006, p 3-4).
Compared with Weber’s view,besides meeting the basic survival needs and people life security, people inevitably request to certain political rights, the political rights of the requirements of the first is based on the basic survival needs to meet its own rights are guaranteed, and political rights and maintain based on the people in the process of material production of interpersonal relationships, and the resulting social transaction processing and distribution of power in the field of public life, to achieve "really solve the contradiction between people," political freedom realization is another basic content of each individual liberation(Stewart, 2001, p 2-3).
How socialism enjoys ideological leadership depends on whether it can meet the vital interests of each individual's economic, political, cultural and ecological rights and the need for free implementation(Mark, 2012, p 5-6). Marxism as the ideology of the working people, established the direction of the liberation of human freedom, liberation of the future to make a deep penetration of time and space of idea, established the "human beings, between human and nature of the contradiction between the real solution, is the existence and essence, objectification and self-verification, freedom and necessity, individual and class struggle between the real solution" goal concept, the idea of the ideal society in the future, the proposed "free association" the communist social system is designed, and the criticism on the basis of the existing capitalist production relations, proposed by eliminate the dictatorship of the dictatorship of the proletariat, by the ideology of the proletariat to eliminate in the service of a few false ideology, and look forward to no dictatorship and false ideology of free combination of the communist society(Stewart, 2001, p 3-4).
Compared with Foucault’s view, the implementation of Marxist ideology leadership is a top-down power theory and practice of the process of construction and bottom-up psychological identity unity, the realization of the ideological leadership is not once and for all, but a change constantly with the development of social practice, the dynamic process of its implementation depends on the construction of top-down and bottom-up fit(Mark, 2012, p 4-5). Western ideology in the end, ideological generalization trend is in the service of the capitalist production relations, is the nature of bourgeois ideology, which is a kind of ideology of Marx's sense of "false"(Portes, 2017, p33). The end and ultimate generalization of ideology can be realized only in the communist society where the state is eliminated, the class is eliminated, and the freedom and freedom of the people are realized(Stewart, 2001, p 3-4). There have been some adjustments in the modern western capitalist production relations, but the basic production relations of the capitalist system have not changed, thus the fallibility of the capitalist ideology has not changed fundamentally(Haugaard, 2014, p 2-3). But in the west in the capitalist production relations under the condition of free adjustment of power that there is no change in the west in the capitalist system under the premise of expanding and adjusted the part of the members of the community of free allocation of power, to mitigate the conflict between the western capitalist society, is conducive to consolidate the capitalist production relations(Munro, 2003, p 3-4).
Max Weber's conceptions of power and domination are demonstrated as follow.Firstly, power is the central concept of politics, and scholars have different interpretations of power, but any interpretation of power is influenced by Weber. Weber gives only a descriptive definition of what power is. "Power means that in a social relationship, even if there is opposition, there is any opportunity to carry out its will, regardless of the foundation on which it is built." Weber's concept of power is simple, but the core of power is coercive power. As a kind of coercive power, power exists widely in social life(Sowa, 2013, p 3-4). However, Weber mainly talks about power from the political level, and his definition of "politics" is based on power(Cerella, 2016, p280). #p#分页标题#e#
Secondly, Weber believes that "the sharing of political power and the pursuit of power have an effect on the distribution of power -- whether between countries or within groups within the same country." From this descriptive definition, political activity is the process of pursuing power and using power. As mentioned above, power is omnipresent in social life(Haugaard, 2014, p 1-2). As a result, the politics of the use and distribution of power also exist in various fields of social life. In his speech, Weber made clear that the politics he was talking about mainly referred to the national leadership or the impact on such leadership(Stewart, 2001, p 2-3).
Weber also has detailed analysis and a clear definition of what is a country. Webb says, the country "in the form of a rules can be modified through the administrative and legal system, administrative staff (also by the articles of association) of the operation of the group behavior in this system as the orientation, it requires not only apply to - largely due to the birth and join into the group - members of the group, and to a great extent, is also applicable to all behavior rule." In other words, Weber believes that the state as a political group is characterized by state administration(Sowa, 2013, p 3-4).
Thirdly, management and legal systems have universal applicability in the area under their management. But this is not the nature of the state in Weber's sense. Therefore, the state is the only source of the right to use force." This passage clearly demonstrates that in Weber's view, the state is an organization with a fixed territory and a legitimate monopoly on the use of violence in this territory(Hamilton, 2013, 455). The monopolistic use of violence is the basic characteristic of the state, and violence is a direct force, which is an important component of power(Stewart, 2001,p372). So the state itself means power.
Compared with Foucault’s view, through Weber's political definition and national concept, his power refers to political power, and political power is the power at the national level(Grosby, 2013, 308). Is power a tool or a purpose? Clearly Weber is not from the state.Weber fundamentally believes that power is an indispensable tool for all politics, and therefore one of the driving forces of all politics. Further, Weber is in fact inseparable from his political position and political concern when he defines politics based on power. In other words, he believes that political power is a tool, and the purpose of service is, of course, the national reason(Sowa, 2013, 190).
Political power and domination are closely linked. To a large extent, domination is the use of political power, and power is the dominant mode. It is a very important concept in Weber's academic system, which can be said that he constructs his social ideology system at the core. In Weber's view, there are two ideal types of domination in the broad sense: the first is the domination based on the interests, and the main performance is the market domination. The other is based on authority. In a narrow sense, domination means the domination of authority, and that's what Weber USES in this sense(Stewart, 2001, p 1-2).
Compared with Marx’s view, he has important social impact - is the dominant like put the contents of the command (only for the sake of the command itself the cause of) as their action principles "control means that are the dominant to always maintain obedience to commands from the dominator, its essence shows that control to be dominant with authority(Hibou, 2006, p 2-3). According to Weber, authority is a command power. Domination means the exercise of power(Hamilton, 2013,p59). The domination of power requires two elements.
Compared with Foucault’s view,the so-called human element refers to the administrative staff, namely the administrative bureaucrat; The so-called factor refers to the administrative tools, namely the material resources. In fact, in modern countries, the essential material resources are controlled by the ruling party through the bureaucracy (Munro, 2003, p 3-4). Therefore, as a rule of power, the two most important basic elements must be the dominant structure and the dominant. The bureaucratic structure is a necessary system tool for the political operation of the country, but the operation of bureaucracy is driven by people(Sowa, 2013, p 191). Therefore, the quality and ability of the dominant power are particularly important. In Weber's view, the country needs many mature politicians who are good at applying power(Parsons, 2006,p1121). The logical development of Weber's political thought is that he must make a theoretical analysis of the professional politicians who are politically motivated(Hamilton, 2013, p 2-3).
Michel Foucault's conceptions of power and domination are described. Firstly, Foucault uses genealogy to analyze the microcosmic power relations and distinguish from traditional power analysis methods. Foucault criticizes traditional notions of power, and the traditional view of power ensures the power of institutions and mechanisms, and the overall system that some people rule over others. In Foucault's view, the traditional method of power analysis adopts the analysis method of suppression hypothesis, which holds that power and object are a negative relationship.
Secondly, power is merely censorship and enactment of laws(Hamilton, 2013,p60); Power works from the top down, resulting in the antagonism between the ruler and the ruled. Foucault believes that this analysis is consistent with the operation of feudal kingship, but it does not apply to the analysis of modern power(Hibou, 2006, p 5-6). Foucault rejects this traditional theory of power, arguing that the power of "juridical - reasoning" as a traditional model of power, resistance cannot be a revolt against power(Pereira, 2011, p 3-4).
Thirdly, because if the power is external to control desire, we will make the liberation of desire and commitment, but this occurred in the power relations in liberation, then resist not as resistance on power; If power is a component of desire, it means that it is itself under the control of power, and it is impossible for people to get rid of the rule of power. Therefore, from the traditional view of power, resistance cannot be resistance to power, and people can only obey power and can't resist(Munro, 2003, p86). Foucault pointed out that the utilization of the traditional concept of power is mainly the definition of power objective of research subject, this kind of form in the contemporary society "two kinds of disease: the power of fascism and Stalinism". , these two kinds of power diseases take advantage of the concept and means of our political rationality. "Since Kant, the role of philosophy has been to prevent the limits of what is given by reason beyond experience," Foucault observes. However, the rationalization of the development of modern state and social political management is obvious (Munro, 2003, p 3-4). The two kinds of power diseases in modern society can be regarded as a kind of rebellion against rational enterprise, and rationality fall into its own trap(Munro, 2003, p 3-4). Foucault advocates resistance to power relations from a strategic point of view. Because modern power is essentially a kind of disciplinary power, Foucault’s resistance is to deny the same to the individual, and to show individual differences.
Compared with Weber’s view, Foucault points out the role of resistance in the theory of micro power. The micro-power relations are always flowing, reversible and unstable, which are the characteristics of power relations that make freedom possible. Freedom is an important condition of power, which means that power is not closed and completely suppressed, because such a relationship is only a kind of violence, and it is not the power relationship that Foucault explains(Munro, 2003, p 3-4). What Foucault calls the power relationship is variable, which means there is a possibility of resistance in the power relationship(Hibou, 2006, p 1-2). It is a misunderstanding of Foucault that the theory of micro power completely ignores freedom(May, 2014, p 428).
Compared with Marx’s viewFoucault argues that there is resistance everywhere, wherever there is power. In Foucault's view, traditional macroscopic power theory adopts the mode of rule, power is exercised from the top down, which causes the fundamental opposition between the exercise of power and the receiver of power(Pereira, 2011, p 2-3). The ruling and opposition model means the traditional authority is not able to resist, the receiving power can only obey, cannot resist, in repressive power relations, the individual becomes the object of others to control, in this kind of relationship caused suppression of freedom. In the micro power relationship, Foucault introduces new power technology. The power relationship is accompanied by discipline technology, special.Foucault points out that power comes in both negative and positive forms, which is based on the role of the subject and freedom in the relationship of power. Negative power relations shows that power relations from external to control power relations between the anonymous subject, reflects the power relations between people and others, the main strategic ways to resist power relation, pursue limited freedom; Active power relations shows that power relations from the internal control of the power relationship between the main body, reflects the power relations between people and itself, with the aid of power relations, the subject can freely and creatively choose our way of life(Munro, 2003, 80). Negative power relations and positive power relations have the basic characteristics of micro-power relations, and their fundamental differences show how to deal with the relationship between power, subject and freedom(Bang, 2014, p 180). Therefore, in Foucault's understanding, there are two kinds of relationship between people. The relationship between the person with the free choice ability and the ego. The two forms of Foucault's power theory have certain correspondence with the two meanings of the main body(Pereira, 2011, p 3-4). Knowledge/power makes the main body, the main body through control and dependence and submission to others, the agency's authority to obey or to bound by conscience and self-reflect the social identity of the subject(Pereira, 2011, p 5-6).#p#分页标题#e#
In summary, the different national capacity structure points out different national structures. In different time and space backgrounds, the national capacity structure is very different. The concept of national capacity has multiple advantages in the study of international relations history, which not only reveals the fog of sovereignty theory, but also clarifies the historical evolution of state form. At the same time, it can reveal the rise and fall of great powers in the history of international relations. Of course, national capacity theory needs to allow for the difference between time and space when applied to historical research.
Compared with Weber’s view, political power must be based on a ruling virtue in the subject dimension. The ruling body with good governance virtue, namely the ruling virtue, is generally recognized, supported and obeyed by the people. Thus, the establishment of political authority becomes an appropriate meaning. People-oriented virtue includes respect for the main status of the people, close contact with the masses and serve the people wholeheartedly. Excellent virtue ruling style is covered to emancipate the mind, seeking truth from facts, the core of ideological style, studious, and apply for the core of learning style, to be loyal to their duties, democratic equality as the content of the work style, to modest and prudent, and arduous struggle for content of virtues such as life style.
Finally, political power must be based on a political democracy in the institutional dimension. The legitimacy foundation of modern political authority can only come from the consent of the people, and the institutional basis of political authority can only be political democracy.
Bang, HP 2014, 'Foucault's Political Challenge', Administrative Theory & Praxis (M.E. Sharpe), vol. 36, no. 2, pp. 175-196. Available from: 10.2753/ATP1084-1806360202.
Bastien, C 2016, 'Readings and translations of Karl Marx in Portugal (1852–1914)', European Journal Of The History Of Economic Thought, 23, 5, pp. 794-813, Business Source Premier, EBSCOhost, viewed 14 May 2018.
Cerella, A 2016, 'Encounters at the end of the world: Max Weber, Carl Schmitt and the Tyranny of Values', Journal for Cultural Research, vol. 20, no. 3, pp. 266-285. Available from: 10.1080/14797585.2016.1141833.
Grosby, S 2013, 'Max Weber, Religion, and the Disenchantment of the World', Society, vol. 50, no. 3, pp. 301-310. Available from: 10.1007/s12115-013-9664-y.
Hamilton, L. 2013. Power, domination and human needs. Thesis Eleven, 119(1), 47-62.
Haugaard, M. 2014. Power and domination: agency or unintended effect; equality or freedom?. Journal of Political Power, 7(3), 451-460.
Hibou, B. 2006. Domination & control in tunisia: economic levers for the exercise of authoritarian power. Review of African Political Economy,33(108), 185-206.
Jacobs, N 2017, 'Karl Marx-illustrious refugee', Political Quarterly, vol. 88, no. 2, pp. 325-327. Available from: 10.1111/1467-923X.12354.
Mark Haugaard. 2012. Rethinking the four dimensions of power: domination and empowerment. Journal of Political Power, 5(1), 33-54.
May, T 2014, 'GENEALOGY, PROBLEMATIZATION, AND NORMATIVITY IN MICHEL FOUCAULT.', [History & Theory], History & Theory, vol. 53, no. 3, pp. 419-427.
Munro, V. E. 2003. On power and domination feminism and the final foucault. European Journal of Political Theory, 2(1), 79-99.
Parsons, SD 2006, 'Max Weber and Economic Sociology', American Journal of Economics & Sociology, vol. 65, no. 5, pp. 1111-1124. Available from: 10.1111/j.1536-7150.2006.00492.x.
Pereira, A. E. 2011. Three perspectives on us foreign policy: power, domination and hegemony. Revista De Sociologia E Política, 19(39), 237-257.
Portes, J. (2017). What Marx got right. New Statesman, 146(5372), 32-35.
Sowa, F. 2013. Relations of power and domination in a world polity: the politics of indigeneity and national identity in greenland. 184-198.
Stewart, A. M. A. 2001. Theories of power and domination : the politics of empowerment in late modernity. Sage, 50(2), 372-373.
|
 |
|||
| 网站地图 |
