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ABSTRACT 摘要
虽然使用令人震惊的广告是一个不断增长的现象，这种广告的有效性的结果仍然是混合。此外，很少考虑使用这些策略在不同的组织环境和消费者的影响。采用了一种定性的方法，包括使用的焦点小组，探索一系列的个人的态度和情绪反应。从NFP与FP组织令人震惊的图像被视为成功的抓住观众的注意力。有些图像更为“令人震惊”，而有些则更有效地提请注意的产品或原因。重要的是，冲击广告的使用被认为是正当的但在NFP部门在计生部门少了很多。反应有一定的宗教和性别的影响，但是，它是明显的，这个样本本质上更接受冲击广告比预期的。尽管今天的青年突击战术明显的免疫力，这项研究发现，还有在FP和NFP部门认为不合适的主题；这些包括宗教禁忌使用或令人讨厌的形象。This study compares the reactions towards shock advertising in for-profit (FP) and not-for-profit (NFP) organizations. Although the use of shocking advertisements is a growing phenomenon, the findings regarding the effectiveness of such advertisements remain mixed. Moreover, there is little consideration of the use of these tactics in different organizational contexts and the effect on the consumer. A qualitative methodology was adopted and included the use of focus groups to explore the attitudes and emotional reactions of a range of individuals. The shocking images from both the NFP and FP organizations were deemed successful at capturing the audience’s attention. Some images were more ‘shocking’ than others, whereas some were more effective at drawing attention to the product or the cause. Importantly, the use of shock advertising was perceived to be justifiable in the NFP sector but much less so in the FP sector. Reactions were somewhat influenced by both religion and gender; however, it was apparent that this sample were inherently more accepting of shock advertising than expected. Despite the apparent immunity of today’s youth to shock tactics, this study found that there are still themes that are considered inappropriate in FP and NFP sectors; these include the use of religious taboos or morally offensive images. Copyright . 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
INTRODUCTION 介绍
This study compares consumer reactions towards shock advertising in the for-profit (FP) and not-for-profit (NFP) sectors in the UK and develops knowledge of shock advertising by exploring differences in consumer perception and use of this advertising method in two different types of organizational contexts. This research area is growing (Prendergast et al., 2002; Fam and Waller, 2003; Chan et al., 2007; Fam et al., 2008) with some studies investigating culture differences and geographic regions in response to shock advertisements (Prendergast et al., 2002; Prendergast and Huang, 2003). Other studies have explored the reactions to either a single private sector campaign (Lightfoot et al., 2006) or a set of public sector announcements (Dahl et al., 2003) or have sought to measure the effect of a particular appeal such as sex (Giebelhausen and Novak, 2012). Such research findings at present remain somewhat inconclusive. This study seeks to build on previous work in this area by examining the differences in consumer reaction in respect of FP and NFP sector advertisements that use shock tactics as their main method of stimuli. In doing this, the study also takes into account the effects of gender, religion and nationality of the participants. In particular, there is a paucity of research in the NFP sector concerning assessment of an individual’s response to a range of shock advertisements. This study therefore makes a useful contribution to developing theories related to non-profit marketing and cause-related marketing (Varadarajan and Menon, 1988; Polonsky and Macdonald, 2000). This paper is structured as follows: first, previous research on shock advertising in both the FP and NFP sectors is outlined, then the qualitative research methodology and use *Correspondence to: Dr. Sara Parry, Bangor Business School, Bangor University, Gwynedd, LL57 2DG, UK. E-mail: [email protected] of focus groups is described. From here, the findings are presented and discussed. Particular attention is paid to whether any differences are found between reactions to shock advertisements in the FP and NFP sectors, and any differences in attitudes among the cultural characteristics of the participants. Finally recommendations are outlined with the aim of guiding both sectors in the design and use of shock advertising in future campaigns. Limitations of the study are also considered.
LITERATURE REVIEW 文献综述
Shock advertising is defined as an attempt to ‘surprise an audience by deliberately violating norms for societal values and personal ideals...to capture the attention of a target audience’ (Dahl et al., 2003 p. 269). Day (1991) observed that advertising in general is evaluated by norms and becomes shocking when it breaches those norms. Discussions of shock advertising include terms such as ‘offensive advertising’ (Chan et al., 2007; Prendergast et al., 2008), ‘sex and decency issues’ (Boddewyn and Kunz, 1991), ‘taboo in advertising’ (Sabri and Obermiller, 2012) and ‘advertising controversial products’ (Fam et al., 2008). However, Chan et al. (2007) contend that the definition provided by Dahl et al. (2003) is more comprehensive and consumer oriented. Shocking imagery is often used in advertising as a stimulus to invoke fear in audiences, fear being the emotional response to the advertisement (Hastings et al., 2004). Such ‘fear’ or ‘threat’ appeals are a means of using scare tactics to encourage attitude and behaviour change for example stopping smoking or ensuring safer driving (Donovan and Henley, 1997). Examples of shock advertising can include the visual display of obscene sexual references, profanity or Copyright . 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Attitudes and reactions to shock advertising 113 gratuitous violence. Although some products are deemed more ‘offensive’ than others, research has shown that audience members are more likely to be shocked by offensive themes than the products or ideas advertised (Beard, 2008). Shock advertising aims to reach consumers in an increasingly saturated commercial environment (Vezina and Paul, 1997). Indeed, several authors have noted the rise of shock advertising (Fam and Waller, 2003; Giebelhausen and Novak, 2012). However, there are contrasting views on shock advertising, as some view it as a creative technique, whereas others lambast it as gimmicky and attention grabbing (Van Munching, 1998). Studies so far have identified shock advertising as a valid strategy to capture attention (Vezina and Paul, 1997), particularly when introducing a new product or brand (Sellar, 1999), but may cause negative attitudes and reduced purchase intention towards the brand (Sabri and Obermiller, 2012).
THE NOT-FOR-PROFIT SECTOR 非营利部门
West and Sargeant (2004) noted the recent and increasing propensity for NFP organizations to use shocking advertising. Charitable organizations in the UK such as the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals and the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children are increasingly showing shocking advertisements portraying images of animal cruelty and abused children with the intention of raising awareness about these social issues (West and Sargeant, 2004). Shock tactics and threat appeals are frequently used in order to facilitate large-scale changes in behaviour and attitudes (Sutton, 1992). Even death threats have been used in social marketing campaigns aimed at risk behaviours related to disease and injury prevention (Henley and Donovan, 1999a). Indeed, in a study investigating road safety advertising, the two best performing advertisements were highly dramatic showing graphic crash scenes, injuries and death (Donovan et al., 1999). Shock appeals have been employed in a variety of public health contexts such as seat belt safety, sexually transmitted infections, acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) awareness and smoking (Bainbridge, 1996). A study assessing the effects of an Australian anti-smoking campaign that employed graphic fear-based messages found that the ‘hard-hitting’ and ‘gory’ campaign made smokers more likely to quit (Hill et al., 1998; Wakefield et al., 2003). A study by Veer and Rank (2012) also showed that shocking visual images that portray the consequences of smoking resulted in heightened levels of cognitive processing of the message and intentions to quit smoking. An earlier study by Veer et al. (2008) indicated that the NHS’s ‘Unhooked’ anti-smoking advertisement led to more favourable attitudes towards quitting in smokers and was deemed to be more self-liberating as it showed that by quitting you would be liberating yourself from the hold that cigarettes have on your life. This contradicts Janis and Terwilliger’s (1962) proposed ‘defensive processing’ theory, which found that high-fear messages were less likely to change smoker’s attitudes towards smoking than low-fear messages. Despite evidence of some success in employing shock tactics, it is argued that arousing fear may be counterproductive when attempting to persuade people to stop addictive behaviours such as smoking, drug and alcohol abuse as it can potentially lead to helplessness and fatalistic thinking (Henley and Donovan, 1999b). Hastings et al. (2004) criticized the use of fear appeals in social marketing because of resulting heightened anxiety among those most at risk and complacency among those not directly targeted. Therefore, the literature suggests that threat appeals can be effective provided that the threat appeal is well targeted and the recommended behaviour is perceived as efficacious (Beck and Frankel, 1981; Sutton, 1992; Henley and Donovan, 1999b). Nudity and sexual stimuli have also been increasingly used in social marketing, targeting a range of diseases from skin and breast cancer to HIV awareness and sexually transmitted disease campaigns (Reichert et al., 2001). In a study investigating the effects of fear-arousing condom advertisements, the high-fear condom advertisements did not significantly differ from low-fear advertisements in effectiveness. However, participants with a high fear of getting AIDS viewed the advertisements as more effective (Struckman-Johnson et al., 1990). #p#分页标题#e#
THE FOR-PROFIT SECTOR 营利性部门
For-profit organizations are also increasingly employing the use of shocking imagery in advertising campaigns as a way of attracting consumer attention by breaking through the clutter or sometimes as part of a cause-related marketing program. However, use of shock advertising has backfired in this sector on several occasions; one example is that of Benetton, who used shock advertising with the intent ‘not necessarily to sell a product but to elicit attention for a brand name in the crowded consumer market’ (Horovitz, 1992 p. 1). The highly controversial Benetton’s United Colors campaign featured powerful visual images ranging from slavery, a dying AIDS victim, to an African guerrilla fighter holding a human leg bone (Ganesan, 2002). In 2003, a print advertisement featuring a reclining naked Sophie Dahl for Yves St Laurent received 948 complaints that it was too sexually suggestive and unsuitable to be seen by children. As a result, the Advertising Standards Authority (ASA) removed it from billboards, but it was still allowed to be used in appropriate magazines (Telegraph, 2012). Despite the highly contentious and controversial nature of these adverts, they have also won numerous accolades and awards for increasing public awareness surrounding these issues, and yet, they have also fermented large public outrage and have received numerous complaints (Tinic, 1997). During the 1990s, companies such as Benetton became notorious for advertisements that carried explicit political and social messages. These advertising campaigns have been both praised and criticized (Sandicki, 2011). Meijer (1998) explored consumer citizenship reactions to shock advertisements and examined a range of advertisements including the Benetton campaign. She argues that outdoor shock advertising, because of its visibility and intrusiveness, ‘stimulates people to think about themselves in terms of liberal or conservative, masculine Copyright . 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Consumer Behav. 12: 112–121 (2013) DOI: 10.1002/cb
114 S. Parry et al. or feminine, even black and white’ (Meijer, 1998 pp. 246–247). Since Benetton launched their shock advertising campaign, there have been copious imitations by other companies, contributing to a notable shift in the nature of communications (Tinic, 1997). For example, in their 1997 campaign inspired by pop culture violence and horror movies, Diesel had a collection of very violent and shocking images such as mutilated body parts (Andersson et al., 2004).
CONSUMER PERCEPTIONS OF SHOCK ADVERTISING IN NOT-FOR-PROFIT AND FOR-PROFIT SECTORS在非营利和非营利部门的冲击广告消费者认知
There is increasing public acknowledgement and acceptance of shock tactics in advertising as it is an effective way of attracting attention and can ensure that consumers remember the message (Dahl et al., 2003). Earlier, Schlossburg (1991) observed that there may be circumstances where the use of shock in advertising is appropriate, for instance when communicating about health or safety issues. Indeed there is evidence to suggest that shock tactics are more appropriately applied to more immediate outcomes such as drinking or sexual health adverts, rather than long-term health risks such as that of smoking (Richard et al., 1998). Tinic (1997) debated the issue between advocacy and controversy in advertising messages, and contends that public health messages are usually advocacy messages as they present a problem, and offer a possible solution. This contrasts with the case of Benetton as they communicated social problems yet provided scant information about solutions or further sources of information, thus attracting criticism. From the consumer’s perspective, it is not necessarily the shocking nature of the advertisements that they find disturbing; it is more the ambiguous purpose that underpins such images (Tinic, 1997). An interesting difference between the FP and NFP sectors in relation to shock advertising is that shock appeals used by NFP organizations could be deemed riskier as most NFP organizations are funded by monetary donations or taxes from the public (West and Sargeant, 2004). A report by the ASA note that they have an unwritten rule that charities are allowed more leeway than other advertisers when using shocking imagery because of what they are trying to achieve. Nevertheless, charities can still cross the line of acceptability. For example, in 2008, a Barnardo’sadvert received477 complaints (ASA, 2012a). An earlier Barnardo’s campaign showing a cockroach crawling out of a newborn baby’smouth also prompted 330 complaints to the advertising watchdog (The Guardian, 2003). Despite the growing debate about the benefits and problems associated with shock advertising, there is a lack of research comparing the differences in consumer reactions in FP and NFP organizations. Furthermore, there is little research investigating socio-demographic influences on consumer reactions towards shock advertising.
CULTURAL INFLUENCES文化影响
Waller et al. (2005) highlighted culture, language, history and, particularly, religion as factors that are likely to trigger different responses to shock advertisements. Phau and Prendergast (2001) also identified culture as a crucial factor when measuring an individual’s perception of shock advertising. This exploratory study therefore investigates the participants’ country of origin, religion and gender as important elements to consider. In cross-cultural literature, Fam et al. (2004 p. 537) stated that ‘differences in religious affiliations tend to influence the way people live, the choices they make, what they eat and whom they associate with’. A strong relationship is apparent between religion and a variety of social factors such as a greater concern for moral standards and having much more traditional and conservative attitudes (Barton and Vaughan, 1976; Wilkes et al., 1986). Muslim countries such as Iran and Saudi Arabia have been labelled as strong resistors of the ‘invasion of Western advertising, themes and approaches’ (Boddewyn and Kunz, 1991 p. 14), whereas countries with a dominant religion such as Catholicism in Ireland or cultures with authoritarian regimes (such as China) have been found to hold conservative views (Boddewyn and Kunz, 1991). Religion has been identified as a strong influencing factor on social behaviour and thus can have an affect on attitudes towards shock advertisements (Fam et al., 2004; Waller et al., 2005). White (2000) also identified religion as a country-specific factor that can contribute to how people perceive and interpret provocative advertisements. Differences have also been identified between Muslim and Christian communities when viewing advertising of a sexual nature (Gibbs et al., 2007). Boddewyn and Kunz (1991 p. 13) found that Muslim countries were especially disapproving of ‘all kinds of salacious displays and even indirect sexual references’. There is a lack of research into the ways non-Western cultures respond to offensive advertising in general (Beard, 2008). A study by Holz (2006) investigated whether shock advertising campaigns were influenced by culture and compared German and English reactions to the Benetton campaigns. The results showed that the English group rated the shock factor more negatively than the German group, suggesting that reactions to shock advertisements are influenced by cultural factors. The media portrayal of women can vary across cultures; for instance, in certain cultures, women are shown in a family setting and are shown to be appealing to the opposite sex (Boddewyn and Kunz, 1991). Studies have shown that women are more prone to being offended by advertisements (Barnes and Dotson, 1990), especially when the advertisements include sexual imagery (Pope et al., 2004). However, there is limited research as to the reasons why they are offended (Barnes and Dotson, 1990; Waller, 1999). The literature that exists offers conflicting views. There is evidence suggesting that the use of nudity in advertising can result in an advertisement being more positively portrayed (Severn et al., 1990), but again, differences between both genders have not been fully investigated. Previous research on shock advertising has focussed on single campaigns or on a particular sector. Considering the conflicting findings with regards to the effectiveness of shock advertisements, and a recent call to contrast the reactions of cross-cultural consumers to such advertisements (Sandicki, 2011), this study compares consumer reactions towards shock advertising in the FP and NFP sectors. Copyright . 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Consumer Behav. 12: 112–121 (2013) DOI: 10.1002/cb
Attitudes and reactions to shock advertising 115
METHODOLOGY 方法论
In order to address this research gap, the objectives of the study are as follows: . to explore the differences between reactions to shock advertisements in the FP and NFP sector and . to explore whether cultural characteristics of the participants affect attitudes towards shock advertisements. Use of qualitative data provides rich and holistic descriptions, which have strong potential for revealing the complexities of ordinary events in their natural settings (Miles and Huberman, 1994). Focus groups are one of the most commonly used methods of gathering qualitative data as they allow participants to discuss issues using their own words and provide an in-depth, subjective understanding of consumers (Calder, 1977). Focus groups were therefore deployed in this study, allowing participants to inspire each other and develop insightful live discussions of the subject matter (Coolican, 2004). The nature of this topic required a discursive group interaction to raise thoughts, feelings and topics of interest that could be further debated and explored. Focus groups often surface new ideas, explore how individuals think and why they think that way, in a technique that would be less easily available in a one-on-one interview (Saunders et al., 2007). Research using groups of participants is noted for encouraging interpersonal communication, highlighting group norms and cultural values (Hughes and Dumont, 1993), an important element of this study. This method has previously been successfully used in cross-cultural research and in studies with ethnic minorities (Zimmerman et al., 1990; Fam and Waller, 2003). This method was therefore deemed appropriate for exploring diverse cultural opinions. The sample of participants consisted of international postgraduate students aged between 21 and 35 years, a typical age group that shock advertisers aim to influence (Vezina and Paul, 1997). Indeed previous research on shock advertising have used university students in their samples (Vezina and Paul, 1997; Dahl et al., 2003; Fam and Waller, 2003). Purposive sampling of students is also deemed superior to random sampling for establishing equivalence and isolating cultural differences (Dant and Barnes, 1988 cited by Fam and Waller, 2003). Therefore, a purposive sampling technique was adopted in order to ensure a mix of gender, ethnic and religious backgrounds to reflect cultural differences. Participants were identified as religious (for example, Muslim and Catholic) and non-religious (see Table 1 for participant details). Accessibility and availability were also reasons for selecting university students (Fam and Waller, 2003). As sensitive issues were being discussed, four same sex focus groups were held (Saunders et al., 2007), with three women in one group, four women in the second, six men in the third group and six men in the fourth group. The participants consisted of postgraduate students from a range of disciplines to ensure that participants were from a mix of social, ethnic and religious backgrounds. The study took place in North West Wales, and students were recruited by general invitation via the university e-mail system by one researcher who was responsible for controlling the focus groups. Following extensive internet research, 12 billboard Table 1. Demographic of focus group participants Age Focus Participant Gender (years) Nationality Religion group A Female 30 British Agnostic 1 B Male 22 British Atheist 3 C Male 22 British Christian 3 D Female 27 Peruvian Christian 2 E Female 22 Russian Agnostic 1 F Male 25 Pakistani Muslim 3 G Female 32 Russian Atheist 2 H Male 28 Pakistani Muslim 4 I Male 27 Saudi Muslim 4 Arabian J Male 25 Indian Hindu 3 K Male 29 Argentinean Agnostic 3 L Male 23 British Atheist 4 M Male 22 British Agnostic 4 N Male 23 British Agnostic 4 O Male 28 Iranian Agnostic 3 P Male 27 Indian Atheist 4 Q Female 22 British Atheist 1 R Female 20 British Agnostic 2 S Female 22 British Agnostic 2 advertisements were purposefully selected on the basis of their shocking nature. Concurrence as to the suitability of the images was reached among the four researchers on the basis that the images were shocking but diverse (some with sexual scenes, some with violence, some with profanity, some deemed as offensive to an ethnic minority or people with disabilities and some highlighting social/global issues). The researchers also wanted to achieve an equal balance of FP and NFP advertisements (six from the NFP sector and six from the FP sector). Because of the cross-cultural nature of the sample, some of the advertisements were international, and effort was made to include advertisements that had received complaints or had been banned in their country of origin. The participants were informed that the images were billboard advertisements, which was important as research has shown billboard advertisements to be perceived as more intrusive and problematic than other mediums (ASA, 2003). The images were shown on printed sheets to all focus groups, in the same order, one at a time. Using one researcher who carefully controlled the focus groups ensured continuity and accuracy of data gathering during the focus group sessions. As students had received a personal invitation from this male postgraduate student, participants had had the opportunity to volunteer or decline; therefore, those in the focus groups were comfortable in expressing their opinions in front of their peer, even when discussing sensitive topics such as nudity and sexual images. The researcher acting as the focus group ‘moderator’ summarized what was said and left unsaid, whilst ensuring topics of significance were raised within the group, an approach recommended by researchers (Calder, 1977). Participants were assured of anonymity, and all focus groups were recorded and fully transcribed verbatim. Data analysis The transcripts were read, coded and analysed by all the researchers so as to evaluate the emotional reactions towards each shocking image and to evaluate the differences between Copyright . 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Consumer Behav. 12: 112–121 (2013) DOI: 10.1002/cb #p#分页标题#e#
116 S. Parry et al. reactions in terms of sector and culture. Areas where there appeared to be either consensus or divergence of reaction and opinion allowed for comparisons and convergence of ideas to surface (Guba, 1978). The data analysis procedure focussed on the interaction between participants as well as tried to distinguish individual opinions that were expressed despite the group consensus. Therefore, the researchers allowed for ideas, themes and concepts to emerge, rather than used a prior coding system (Denzin and Lincoln, 1998). This open coding approach was particularly insightful in achieving deep meaning and understanding of the participant’sreaction to the shocking images. The study objectives along with re-readings of the extant literature informed the coding process. Reviewing of the transcripts therefore involved attaching labels to ‘chunks’ of data to enable an objective analysis procedure (Carson et al., 2001). In this case, each advertisement was analysed separately to evaluate the degree of shock, the differences between the FP and NFP sectors were examined and then cultural characteristics such as religion, gender and nationality were analysed. Words and paraphrases were then chosen to illustrate each theme. Data were coded and re-coded by three researchers with experience in qualitative data analysis.
FINDINGS: REACTIONS AND ATTITUDES TOWARDS SHOCK ADVERTISEMENTS 调查结果：休克广告的反应和态度
The findings are presented and discussed below under the central issues explored in this study: the differences in reactions towards NFP and FP advertisements, and cultural influences, which focus specifically on gender, religion and nationality. Quotes were extracted to illustrate both the interaction within the focus groups and individual participant viewpoints. All advertisements are described in the Appendix. Differences in reactions towards NFP and FP advertisements There was a clear difference in participants’ reactions to images in both the NFP and FP sectors. In fact, participants perceived shocking images to be more justifiable in the NFP sector if they were considered likely to influence a positive change in behaviour. This evidence lends weight to the findings of Dahl et al. (2003) who found that such tactics have a proven track record in raising awareness: Anti-verbal abuse (NFP) the message is so clear, so spot on so y’know it’s yeah shocking but it’s much better than any words, this picture shows it for what it is. (Participant E) Participant E illustrates the power of using a shocking visual image as opposed to words, supporting Veer and Rank’s study (2012), which found that shocking images increase levels of cognitive processing. Anti-smoking (NFP) Most of the participants believed that the use of shock by NFP organizations was an effective way of highlighting important social issues. However, as noted by Tinic (1997), many participants asserted that a message from an NFP source needed to be unambiguous: The problem with this is that it doesn’t show the negative effects of smoking’. (Participant A)I agree...you couldn’tjust look at that picture and go, oh yes that’s smoking, I’ll stop smoking now. (Participant Q)(Dialogue from Focus Group 1) That image does not make me want to not smoke...the kind of advert that shows you pictures of lungs is more effective for actual smokers. (Participant N) These findings contradict a previous study that found that this specific campaign led to more favourable attitudes towards quitting in smokers (Veer et al., 2008), but participant N still supports the use of graphic images in anti-smoking campaigns (Hill et al., 1998; Wakefield et al., 2003). There was further support for the use of shocking images in the NFP sector as participant N noted that ‘this type of advertising stimulates debate’ and participant S stressed that ‘you kind of need hard hitting images to show what’s actually going on’, which emphasizes that the use of shock advertising to highlight social issues is important to create awareness and start moulding people’s attitudes and behaviours. However, none of the participants felt that attacking religious taboos could be justified in either the NFP or FP sectors because of the risk of mass offense. For example, participant L said ‘you’d be stepping on too many egg shells if they used an offensive religious advert, they need to steer clear of that’. This indicates that care must be taken when considering religious themes in shock advertising and to be careful not to offend particular religious groups. Hamlet (FP) Interestingly, some of the advertisements from the FP sector were not perceived as shocking: that’soffensive...but it still makes me laugh (pause) I feel bad for doing it... Idon’t find it that shocking. (Participant C) It’s not shocking, it’s funny in a way. (Participant K) (Dialogue from Focus Group 3) Here, participant C asserts that the image is offensive as it ridicules short people, but the image generally elicited humorous reactions in the focus groups as opposed to shock. This could be because the actors used in the billboard appeared to be happy and the slogan used is ‘Spread a little happiness’. Participants clearly viewed the ridicule of short people as being less offensive than other prejudicial attitudes such as racism. TV Channel (FP) you’d see that in a film and not be offended by it. (Participant C)We are used to seeing this kind of stuff, so it’s not that, its not that shocking (Participant F). (Dialogue from Focus Group 3) Participants were not shocked by this violent image, which seems to support Scheidlower’s (1999) view that in today’s society, consumers become more used to controversial images and thus advertisers have to go to greater lengths to create shock value. Copyright . 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Consumer Behav. 12: 112–121 (2013) DOI: 10.1002/cb
Attitudes and reactions to shock advertising 117 American Apparel (FP) The reactions towards the use of sexual imagery in the FP sector were mixed. Some participants found the American Apparel advertisement acceptable whereas others were shocked by the image: they definitely can justify the use of sexual references because sex sells and everybody knows that. (Participant E) disgusting...and that’sfor profit? (Participant L) I think done in the right way it could be done for profit. (Participant N) (Dialogue from Focus Group 4) Participants E and N were not shocked by this image and felt that sexual references and nudity were justified in the FP sector. Conversely, participant L was disgusted, and participant G was most shocked by this image and exclaimed ‘my god where did you find this?... I suppose it might make people uncomfortable...’. Both participants who were most shocked were atheists. This differs with research findings that found that people with traditional and conservative views are more disapproving of sexual advertising conservative views (Boddewyn and Kunz, 1991). Despite the mixed findings with regards to effectiveness of sexual appeals or references to sex in advertising, there is general agreement that it can capture attention (Dahl et al., 2003). However, participant H warned that FP companies may be too preoccupied with seeking new ways to shock audiences to capture their attention and may become ‘in danger of concentrating too much on producing shocking adverts that they might forget about their products, their target audience and the affect it has on their company image’.This argument also applies to the TV billboard advert, for which no participant was able to identify the correct organization. Benetton (FP) I wouldn’t expect that to be a clothes company because you don’t actually see any clothes. Probably unconsciously it could change my behaviour. (Participant K) There were mixed reactions towards the shocking nature of this image, but it did elicit debate. Participant K did not know that the advert is from a clothes company, but admits that it is an effective way of creating awareness about social issues and tapping into the social conscience. However, participant Q highlighted the importance of a link to further information saying: ‘it shocks me and makes me want to look at it but...I don’t know what it’s on about’. Despite claiming to use such images to highlight global social ills, the only logo on this advertisement was that of Benetton themselves, illustrating the differences between FP and NFP sectors. This suggests that even an FP company can successfully influence behaviour and draw attention to a global cause. VLCC Face Wash (FP) I don’t like that, that’s too freaky for my liking...that’s not gonna generate a profit is it? (Participant S) that’s so unethical. (Participant J)You cannot buy that product when you are going to see that. (Participant F) (Dialogue from Focus Group 3) The advertisement that provoked the strongest emotional reaction was from an FP company. When the participants realized that this image was advertising a face wash, they were incredulous. This is an instance where an FP organization’suse of shock advertising causes a negative and potentially damaging reaction. Most participants exclaimed that they would not purchase this product or brand as it was deemed too offensive and unethical. All participants agreed that this company’s advertising campaign had failed. This is an instance whereby consumers are so offended and shocked by certain adverts that they have applied pressure to advertisers to change the adverts and have even boycotted the company’s products (Tilles, 1998). Barnardos (NFP) In contrast, another shocking image of a baby from the NFP sector was shown and also stimulated emotional reactions. It was described by words such as ‘sick’, ‘horrible’ and ‘disgusting’. Participant C stated ‘urgh, that’s shocking, that’sdefinitely shocking...the abuse of children, that’s horrible. A disgusting image. Morally offensive’. However, when participants realized that it was an image from a charity, they became less critical. Participant N actually applauded the advertisement as it does not directly ask for money: it appeals to your morals...if you logically think it through and come to a conclusion yourself that it’s a bad thing, then you should give money morally. (Participant N) This reaction reinforces why shock tactics and guilt appeals are frequently used by NFP organizations in order to facilitate large-scale changes in attitudes (Sutton, 1992). Hell (New Zealand pizza chain) (FP) I would go to that pizza parlour...the cheek of it is pretty funny...I’d want to know more about it. (Participant M) I was quite disappointed really when I found out that it was for a pizza parlour, I expected something else. (Participant N) (Dialogue from Focus Group 4) None of the participants knew what product was being advertised in this image although it was successful in sparking debate and interest. When the participants discovered that the advertisement was in fact a New Zealand Pizza restaurant, their reactions were quite damning. Participant Q said: ‘You wouldn’t want to go there would you?’ However, most participants wanted to know more about it. This advert is clearly effective at gaining attention, which is a fundamental part of the aim of shock advertising (Waller, 1999; Dahl et al., 2003). This advert may provoke outrage and offence, but its use as a tool for capturing attention and standing out in the public consciousness is unquestionable. Overall, the use of shock advertising was perceived to be more justifiable in the NFP sector but much less so in the FP sector, which differs to West and Sargeant’s (2004) study, who deemed shock advertising in the NFP sector as ‘risky’. One reason for this variation is that consumers perceive that NFP companies are looking after the consumers’ well being and thus are justified for using such extreme methods. Copyright . 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Consumer Behav. 12: 112–121 (2013) DOI: 10.1002/cb #p#分页标题#e#
118 S. Parry et al. Charities using shock tactics should still maintain an air of caution as they could still possibly offend the public, which could have the adverse effect of alienating its donors and indeed could even serve in undermining the charity itself through public complaints (Downer, 2002). However, this study suggests that some element of leeway is afforded to the NFP sector as they are justified ‘on the grounds that such tactics are needed to overcome public apathy to good causes’ and have a proven track record in raising awareness of the charity itself and of the promoted cause (Gray, 2002 p. 10). Cultural influences Some participants of varying cultural backgrounds reacted differently towards the advertisements. For example, the following advertisements provoked different reactions from participants of varying cultures: Anti-dowry (NFP) it doesn’t quite relate to us, its not about something we have a problem with, so I don’t know how emotional we can get about this thing. (Participant E) it’s thought provoking (and) it could stimulate a bit of debate. (Participant B) Participant E was Russian and did not understand the message. She found it difficult to have an emotive reaction, whereas participant B (British) recognized the advert, which is from a women’s organization against dowry. (In India, dowry is the amount a bride’s parents have to pay the groom’s family.) The advertisements with sexual references were deemed more inappropriate by some participants with religious beliefs than their non-religious counterparts. This suggests that consumers with a strong religious presence may not condone the public display of such images (Wilkes et al., 1986; Boddewyn and Kunz, 1991). Participant H, a Muslim from Pakistan, illustrates this: when you’re advertising your product in other countries you should take care about their religion. For example you are using some symbols that are not good in a certain religion so then the people could react more, so you should be more careful about people’s religions. Mostly in the Islamic world, people take religion more seriously, it’s a bigger thing. However, on the whole, participant views of the images did not differ greatly, supporting the findings of McQuiston (1993) who highlighted the changing social attitudes and generational differences that are prevalent in today’s globalized society. For example, the advertisements below provoked similar powerful responses from most of the participants. Anti-terrorism (NFP) oh god, this is just too much. (Participant E) Participant E reacted emotionally to this image, whereas participant I, a Muslim, rationally questioned the effectiveness of the advertisement saying ‘I don’t think it’s a very good way to put it...It’s just a bus, even for someone who will kill for his faith, even if he sees that advert he will not reconsider it because he’ll probably see blood everyday’. Here, participant I is not convinced by the effectiveness of this advert as he feels that someone who is prepared to kill for his religion would not be dissuaded by this image. AIDS (NFP) urgh!!! it’s disgusting! It’s shocking! (Participant O) Yeah but I think given the right time and place that is quite a powerful... in the toilets of a pub perhaps or a men’s club. (Participant C) (Dialogue from Focus Group 3) Participant O, an agnostic from Iran, was disgusted and very shocked by this image suggesting that nationality and religion can have an impact on participants’ reactions to sexual images in advertising. However, participant C, a British Christian, was not as shocked and made an important point that care should be taken to ensure that shock advertisements are viewed only by the intended target audience. This echoes the exampleof SophieDahl’s sexually suggestive billboard for Yves St Laurent, which received hundreds of complaints but was still allowed to be printed in relevant women’s magazines (Telegraph, 2012). This study found some variations between men and women in attitudes or reactions towards the advertisements. For instance, some female participants seemed more shocked by the ‘anti-verbal abuse’ image and seemed to more easily link the advertisement to the topic of verbal abuse than the male participants, supporting the findings by Pope et al. (2004 p. 72), which states that women are better than men at identifying the advertiser’s motives and are able to ‘attach greater meaning to the images’. However, further quantitative research is needed to explicate this potential relationship.
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 总结和建议
This research has explored the use of shock advertising in NFPs and FPs from a cultural perspective. Assessment of this aspect of advertising is important as early indications are that societal responses to advertising appear to deaden over time, making customers less responsive and more accepting of social taboos. In particular, this research adds value to the literature on shock advertising by generating new insights into the use of shock advertising and consumer acceptance and resistance to FP and NFP imagery in advertising campaigns. It also addresses the paucity of research in the NFP advertising literature by assessing individuals’ emotional and attitudinal responses to a range of shock advertisements. This research also responds to calls to compare and contrast the reactions of cross-cultural consumers to such advertisements (Sandicki, 2011). In this study, consumer reactions were shown to be somewhat influenced by both religion and gender; however, it was apparent that this group of student participants were inherently more accepting of shock advertising than expected. This evidence supports the findings of Zinkhan and Watson (1996) Copyright . 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Consumer Behav. 12: 112–121 (2013) DOI: 10.1002/cb
Attitudes and reactions to shock advertising 119 who described advertising as being reflective of the changes seen in society yet also being accountable for the breaking down of cultural barriers and influencing social norms. The reactions of the focus group participants were much more favourable towards NFP advertisements, providing that the issues were made clear and relevant to the audience while the strongest negative reaction was caused by an FP advertisement, highlighting the high-risk strategy of using such tactics in a commercial context. Despite the apparent immunity of today’s youth to shock tactics, this study found that there are still themes that are considered inappropriate in FP and NFP sectors. These include the use of religious taboos or morally offensive images, considered in this study to be the use of dead babies in advertisements. The evidence reported here suggests that marketers responsible for the planning and organizing of shock advertising campaigns may have to think more responsibly about the way in which they stimulate response and the way in which they make use of advertising material. In general, the shocking images presented in this study were effective in capturing the audience’s attention, supporting previous findings. Some images were considered more ‘shocking’ than others, whereas some were more effective at drawing attention to the product or the cause. This study contributes to the understanding of persuasion as it explores attitudes and emotional reactions to extreme marketing communications. Advertising often attempts to challenge attitudes; therefore, it is useful to identify the extent to which drastic images are effective in influencing attitudes and persuading audiences. This study shows that shocking advertising is certainly effective at attracting attention; however, its power of persuasion is dependant on the sector as well as the cultural characteristics of the consumer. Thus, if executed correctly, shock advertising can successfully challenge consumer attitudes. The ASA celebrate their 50th birthday this year. They have published the top 10 most offensive advertisements of all time, which contain advertisements from both the FP and NFP sectors (ASA, 2012b), making this a timely study for exploring the boundaries for NFPs and FPs. Although this is a small study, it has generated some thought-provoking findings from the use of focus groups. The limitations of this study include the lack of generalizability of the findings because of the sample size. Hence, future research recommendations include quantitative research and larger samples of participants. The authors assert that use of focus groups has, in this case, facilitated generation of greater, in-depth viewpoints and was the most appropriate method for gathering valuable insights on a contentious topic. More specific research could be conducted within a single FP or NFP sector or product category, for example, the use of shock appeals in children’s charities. As globalization of markets increases, it would be interesting to explore the continued effect on consumers and to measure the impact of frequent exposure to such stimuli. As the participants in these focus groups were all university educated, it would be also interesting to explore whether education has an impact on perceptions as the research on this topic so far remains inconclusive (Prendergast and Huang, 2003). As this study focused on billboard advertisements, further investigation of shock advertising in other types of media such as radio and TV would also provide additional insights as to which medium provokes the strongest reaction. Lastly, further quantitative research is needed to further explore the potential relationships between the advertisements and gender and religion, and to fully determine whether the reactions to the advertisements are based on individual factors, environmental factors or the advertisements themselves. APPENDIX DESCRIPTIONS OF ADVERTISEMENTS Advertisement Description Link Anti-verbal abuse The advert is showing a man opening (NFP) his mouth ‘shouting’ at his girlfriend or wife with a fist coming out of his mouth. The slogan is ‘Verbal abuse can be just as horrible’ Anti-smoking (NFP) This ‘Get unhooked’ campaign by the NHS showed people with fish hooks through their mouths to illustrate being ‘hooked’ on cigarettes Hamlet (FP) This ‘Spread a little happiness’ campaign shows short people smoking cigars in men’s urinals TV Channel (FP) This advert shows a dead, bloody man lying on a bed stabbed with a set of knives American Apparel This advert has three images of a sexually (FP) suggestive naked girl Benetton (FP) This advert shows a young soldier holding a human thighbone behind his back VLCC Face This advert shows the face of a dead Wash (FP) baby buried in rubble Barnardos (NFP) This advert shows a newborn baby with a cockroach crawling out of his mouth Hell (New Zealand This advert shows Hitler saluting with a pizza chain) (FP) #p#分页标题#e#
120 S. Parry et al. (Continued) Advertisement Description Link Anti-dowry (NFP) This advert simply shows the text ‘Say no http://www.cuttingthechai.com/2007/12/208/ to D**wry you fucking prick’ on a purple background shock-value-advertising/ Anti-terrorism (NFP) This advert shows a van covered in a bloody http://lorenasepiphany.com/2009/07/17/ message saying ‘If dying for your faith makes wheres-the-dignity-in-martyrdom/ you a martyr, then what does it make those whom you killed for your faith?’ AIDS (NFP) This advert shows a man and a woman having sex with large insects
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES注解
Dr. Sara Parry is a Lecturer in Marketing at Bangor Business School, Bangor University. She completed her PhD in 2008, which focussed on SME marketing and the marketing of technologies. Her current research interests are consumer perceptions and attitudes of marketing communications and ageism as a social marketing issue. Dr. Rosalind Jones is a Lecturer in Marketing at Glyndwr University. Her research interests specifically include research of technology and tourism industries, entrepreneurial marketing and SME marketing. She is a Chartered Marketer, SME Ambassador for the Chartered Institute of Marketing in North Wales and co-chair of the Academy of Marketing Special Interest Group in Small Business & Entrepreneurial Marketing. Philip Stern is Professor of Marketing at the School of Business and Economics, Loughborough University, and Visiting Professor at the Ehrenberg-Bass Institute, University of South Australia. He has published over 100 papers and is also co-author of Marketing Management and Strategy, a leading text in the area. He has also managed and contributed to a range of executive courses for companies including TNT, Barclay’s, Diaggeo, Unilever, Carlsberg-Tetley, HSBC and Severn-Trent. Philip is an active consultant, and clients have included Bristol Myers Squibb, GfK, Glaxo Smith Kline, Novartis, Lilly Industries, Napp Pharmaceuticals, Organon, Procter and Gamble, Midlands Electricity, IMS, Premier Farnell and the National Audit Office. Matthew Robinson is currently working as a Skills and Enterprise Officer at Bangor University in the Research & Innovation Department. His activities mainly focus on providing services to businesses in the form of developing workshops and CPD courses with the aim of up-skilling their workforces. Prior to this, Matthew worked in the Communications Department for a South-Yorkshire-based Internet service provider focusing on client relations and delivering national marketing campaigns. Matthew graduated from Bangor Business School with a distinction in his MA Business and Marketing in 2009.
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