国际研究Essay格式：Syrian Refugees in Canada and Cosmopolitanism

本文是国际研究专业的留学生Essay范例，题目是“Syrian Refugees in Canada and Cosmopolitanism（叙利亚难民在加拿大与世界主义）”,作为一个国家，加拿大承诺在2016年2月之前在全球接收25,000名叙利亚难民，该计划正在进行中(加拿大政府，2017年)。这一政策使加拿大在国际社会中的作用和责任产生了分歧。虽然媒体已广泛注意到美国最近在移民和安全方面有问题的政策，但国际社会已被引导相信加拿大是一个进步和接受的国家。然而，安格斯·里德研究所(Angus Reid Institute)和加拿大广播公司(Canadian Broadcasting Corporation)在2016年进行的一项研究发现，加拿大人并不像联邦政府的言论让全球公民相信的那样接受和具有全球意识。这项研究发现，79%的加拿大人认为，应该优先考虑加拿大自己的经济和劳动力需求，而不是优先考虑海外危机中的人(Proctor, 2016)。此外，68%的加拿大人认为少数民族应该做更多的工作来融入加拿大/美国的主流社会(Proctor, 2016)。由于这两项调查都显示出强烈的民族主义思维方式，加拿大公民的世界主义和全球公民身份可能会引起争论。世界主义是一种意识形态，即所有人类都是一个全球共同体的一部分，拥有共同的道德、权利和共同的责任;这样的调查结果鼓励探索全球化的各种挑战和限制。由于市场放松管制、高潮事件、安全不稳定和交通技术，全球社区和全球事件继续变得更加相互关联;需要加强强调世界主义的二重性，鼓励个人将自己置于全球环境中。正是通过阐述这一意识形态，地缘政治的向心力和地缘政治的离心力之间的反差可能会受到挑战。

Introduction介绍

Canada, as a nation, pledged globally to take in 25,000 Syrian refugees before February 2016 with this initiative being ongoing (Government of Canada, 2017). This policy has left the nation divided on Canada’s roles and responsibilities within the global community. While there has been extensive media attention drawn to the United States of America’s recent problematic policies pertaining to immigration and security, the global community has been led to believe that Canada is a progressive and accepting nation. However, a study conducted in 2016 by the Angus Reid Institute and the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation found that Canadians aren’t as accepting and globally conscious as the Federal Government’s rhetoric has led global citizens to believe. This study found that 79% of Canadians felt that priority should be given to Canada’s own economic and workforce needs over the prioritization of people in crisis abroad (Proctor, 2016). Furthermore, 68% of Canadians believed that minorities should do more to fit in with mainstream Canadian/American society (Proctor, 2016). As both of these polls reveal strong nationalistic ways of thinking, the cosmopolitanism and global citizenship of Canadian citizens may be debated. As cosmopolitanism is the ideology of all human-beings being a part of a global community, having a shared set of morals, rights, and mutual responsibilities; such poll results encourage the exploration of the varying challenges and limitations of globalization. With the global community and global events continuing to become more interlinked due to market deregulation, climactic events, security instability, and transportation technologies; an increased emphasis needs to be placed on the duality of cosmopolitanism with individuals being encouraged to situate themselves within a global setting. It is through elaborating on this ideology that the contrast between centripetal geopolitical forces towards and the opposing centrifugal forces that have deeply divided geography and history may be challenged.

Cosmopolitanism, Globalization, and Global Citizenship世界主义、全球化和全球公民

The ideology of cosmopolitanism has continually evolved throughout time, being debated as to the nature of its affiliation with globalization, nationalism, privilege, and global citizenship. As it was first theorized in Ancient Greece, cosmopolitanism was viewed as a manner in which an individual’s loyalty lay not solely with the state or the relationships of kin and community, but with a universal shared identity – furthermore, becoming a ‘citizen of the universe’. This ideology of one belonging to a global community, as opposed to a nation-state has been discussed and debated across various works, with each theorist contributing to the narrative of what cosmopolitanism is and how it is subsequently linked to nationalism. With cosmopolitanism and nationalism occurring concurrently, the manner of scale in which each exist has been examined and evaluated. With global interactions becoming increasingly interconnected due to neoliberal policy and shared markets, the relation between individual, state, and identity has been increasingly discussed over the past two decades.

世界主义的意识形态随着时间的推移而不断演变，对于其与全球化、民族主义、特权和全球公民关系的性质争论不休。世界主义最早是在古希腊提出的，它被认为是一种方式，在这种方式中，个人的忠诚不仅取决于国家或亲属和社区的关系，而且取决于一个普遍共享的身份——此外，成为一个“宇宙公民”。这种属于全球共同体的意识形态，而不是民族国家，已经在各种著作中进行了讨论和辩论，每个理论家都对世界主义是什么以及它随后如何与民族主义联系在一起的叙述做出了贡献。摘要世界主义与民族主义同时发生，两者存在的尺度方式已被检视与评估。由于新自由主义政策和共享市场，全球互动变得越来越相互关联，个人、国家和身份之间的关系在过去20年里被越来越多地讨论。

It is due to such recent institutional structures and change that scholar Pheng Cheah argues that cosmopolitanism is dependent and sustained by the state or institution. As Cheah views current institutions to have a global reach in their regulatory function, she further theorizes that power is embedded within regulation and that political consciousness or solidarity is dependent state functions, of which can be further influenced by the individual. Her writing further builds upon the theories of Immanuel Kant who initially viewed cosmopolitanism as having four central modalities. These pillars of cosmopolitanism included: (1) a world federation as the legal and political institutional basis for cosmopolitanism as a form of right; (2) the historical basis of cosmopolitanism in world trade; (3) the idea of a global public sphere; and (4) the importance of cosmopolitan culture in instilling a sense of belonging to humanity. However, while several of Kant’s theoretical foundations are still applicable today, the majority of his work does not yield answer for current global circumstances. Due to his work originating in the 18th century, his ideologies were unable to reflect upon the current globalized state of cosmopolitanism. As Kant believed that state had a fundamental role in the moral-cultural education of its citizens, his work did not take into account the individual agency and the violence imposed on various groups- further limiting the notion of global citizenship.

正是由于这种近代的制度结构和变化，学者彭谢才提出世界主义是依赖于国家或制度而维持的。谢淑娟认为，目前的机构在其监管职能方面具有全球影响力，因此她进一步推断，权力根植于监管之中，政治意识或团结是依赖于国家职能的，这些职能可以受到个人的进一步影响。她的写作进一步建立在伊曼努尔·康德的理论之上，康德最初认为世界主义有四种中心形式。世界主义的支柱包括:(1)作为权利形式的世界主义的法律和政治制度基础的世界联盟;(2)世界主义在世界贸易中的历史基础;(3)全球公共领域的理念;(4)世界主义文化在灌输人类归属感方面的重要性。然而，虽然康德的一些理论基础在今天仍然适用，但他的大部分工作并没有为当前的全球情况提供答案。由于他的作品起源于18世纪，他的意识形态无法反映当今世界主义的全球化状态。康德认为，国家在公民的道德文化教育中发挥着基础性作用，他的著作没有考虑到个人机构和强加于不同群体的暴力——这进一步限制了全球公民的概念。

Such ideologies of cosmopolitanism being dependent on the state are further contested in the works of fellow cosmopolitan theorist Keely Badger. As her work in response to Kant highlights the ethnic, religious and racial conflicts that continue to degrade life quality, human rights and freedom – she highlights that cosmopolitanism is based on an individual’s education and their feelings of obligation to mankind, free of external government or temporal power. Contrary to the formalized structures presented by Cheah, Badger views cosmopolitanism as being dependent on conversations across boundaries of identity – including national, religious or other; further allowing for an evolving cosmopolitan worldview. Furthermore, Badger emphasizes human plurality of being of the highest value, as well as, through discrediting state violence. Her work continues to further call cosmopolitanism to be centered upon a need for the toleration of the beliefs of others and what one may fail to understand. This notion of individual agency is also agreed upon and addressed in Cheah’s work, as she addresses cosmopolitanism in respect to the relation between cosmopolitanism and nationalism. Due to Cheah highlighting a distinction between the normativity of morality and that of cosmopolitan right, she argues that cosmopolitanism is not identical to moral freedom but is merely an institutional vehicle for its actualization. While this indicates that cosmopolitanism is not necessarily opposed to nationalism, her writing shows that solidarity associated with cosmopolitanism is not affiliated with national character. Therefore, her view of cosmopolitanism is not opposed to nationalism but to absolute statism. While both articles present the limitations to nationalism and the potential violence that has resulted from nation-state tendencies, Cheah and Badger call for the role of non-government organizations (NGOs) to fill a leadership role in our agglomerated world. Both authors theorize that such organizations have a role to administer international cooperation, economic development, international law, and human rights. However, the authors discuss potential limitations of such organizations, of which can be exemplified in Badger’s critique of the United Nations and how the organization walks a fine line between exercising its governance power and working within the confines of conflicting sovereignties. While the work of Cheah does not mention grass-roots initiatives, Badger’s article goes on to call for the need of grass-roots NGOs to combat the rampant neoliberal capitalism that has propagated globally since the 1990s. However, she further theorizes that this manner of overcoming neoliberalism can only be sustained through continual consciousness transcending and overcoming the constraining rhetoric presented by nationalism/statism driven by corporations, as well as nation states. Therefore, it is suggested that cosmopolitanism is distanced from the state and nationalistic identification, as cosmopolitanism from below via normative and politically oriented forms of social action are determined to be more powerful in cultivating a shared cosmopolitan consciousness. Nevertheless, this argument is challenged within limitations of Cheah’s writing as she questions who is privileged as being cosmopolitan and how are transnational underclasses or marginalized groups limited from participating in such ideologies and what constitutes as legitimate solidarity. As the works go onto later agree that social and political movements are needed to challenge nationalistic thinking through the use of non-violent institutional groundings and uprising in attempt to disrupt political loyalties, allegiances, and group identities. Such anarchic ideologies of social disruption are later discussed in the work of Badger, as she highlights the potential usage of social media and the Internet for physical mobilization of cosmopolitan resistance, as well as, facilitating uprisings from below. Such examples in the writing included anti-sweatshop campaigns, democratic revolutions, and shifting conscience of the global community. As both Cheah and Badger discuss the anarchistic nature of cosmopolitanism, this ideology is further built upon in the work of Graham Maddox. As he initially highlights cosmopolitanism’s love for mankind and the rejection of state imposed thinking- his writing contrasts the work of the other author’s, stating that ‘the [average] cosmopolitan’ is a pacifist at heart. His work goes on to challenge the previous writing of Cheah and Badger, highlighting that while the global population has become more interconnected due to globalization- this may have resulted in the rise of nationalistic ideologies and xenophobia. His writing goes on to exemplify this concept by highlighting the prominence of global terrorism and the impact this has had on minority populations in Australia. As global consciousness has the potential to make people nervous and resentful, there may be a shift from cosmopolitan thinking often resulting in increased xenophobia with vulnerable groups becoming scape goats for the public to inflict violence upon.  Similar to the work of Cheah, he addresses the role of capitalism and neoliberalism in relation the power struggle with corporate or nationalistic power often prevailing, resulting in the will of the people receding – addressing the masculine nature of Western dominant thought and hegemony. While Maddox’s work address cosmopolitanism in Australia, a nation that has followed a similar colonial narrative as Canada – his work has tied in closely to fellow theorist, Jean-Francois Caron. While the work of Caron agrees with the other theorists that cosmopolitanism can be seen as a superior to national patriotism in regards to the inclusion, she highlights that this idealistic moral posture of cosmopolitanism has no chance of replacing national identities. As she highlights that while national identities are not static and remain intangible throughout time, it is through national narratives and collective mentalities that circumstances are challenged and limits are reinterpreted. Similar to the work of Maddox her work highlights Canada’s cosmopolitan worldview in relation to the nation’s colonial history, adding that it was a distrust of American culture and a sense of ‘moral superiority’ that led to Canada’s national rhetoric being reinforced. While she highlights the nation’s identity as being inherently anti-American, she also gives praise to Canada’s sense of multiculturalism – stating it as a success story, contrary to other countries where such diversity often results in violence. This is later exemplified as she goes on further proclaim that immigrants coming to Canada are welcomed to society and that inter-racial marriage serves as a benchmark for Canada’s openness. However, her thoughts in relation to Canada’s rooted cosmopolitan nature can be challenged due to this work being problematic, failing to account for the complexities of multiculturalism, the experiences of minority individuals, and the continued need for Canada to be more globally consciousness and welcoming of foreigners. The shortcomings and complexities presented within the work of the four cosmopolitan theorists can be further exemplified and expanded upon through an evaluation of Canadians society’s worldviews and realities in relation to the intake of Syrian refugees. As Canada is proclaimed to be one of the most multicultural and globally conscious nations in the world, it is necessary for Canadians to reflect inward to question how we situate ourselves globally, as well as to critically examine the ‘#refugeeswelcome’ initiative.

Syrian Refugees in Canada加拿大的叙利亚难民

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) estimates that 960,000 refugees are currently in need of resettlement in a third country (Martin, 2016). These are refugees who, according to the UNHCR, can neither return to their country of origin nor integrate into their country of first asylum (Martin, 2016). Together, the international community has committed to resettle around 80,000 refugees each year with Canada resettling approximately 10% of this total (Government of Canada, 2017). The Canadian government’s current goal is to resettle between 8% and 12% of all refugees (Government of Canada, 2017). Several factors contributed to the Canadian public’s initial response to the Syrian refugee crisis, including public outcry for support following the death of Ayan Kurdi, a Syrian child who drown while travelling by boat from Turkey to Greece – a child of a family that had been refused resettlement to Canada; and, the 2015 national election serving as a platform for all prime ministerial candidates to debate the ideology of accepting refugees openly. Similar to the ideologies relating to media and the Internet presented in the article of Badger, this serves as an example of how cosmopolitan media has resulted in public conscientiousness and outcry. However, this also exemplifies the limitations of global citizenship presented by Maddox and Cheah as to how migration has become a political issue with bureaucrats, policy makers, and citizens (in a limited manner) determining who can and can’t be a citizen of a country or the world. At this time, Canadian citizens also wanted the federal government to match the rhetoric of Canadian identity as compassionate, openly engaged in the international community and open to newcomers.

联合国难民事务高级专员办事处(UNHCR)估计，目前有96万难民需要在第三国重新安置(Martin, 2016)。根据联合国难民署的数据，这些难民既不能返回原籍国，也不能融入第一庇护国(Martin, 2016)。国际社会共同承诺每年安置约8万名难民，其中加拿大安置约10%(加拿大政府，2017年)。加拿大政府目前的目标是重新安置8%到12%的难民(加拿大政府，2017年)。有几个因素促成了加拿大公众对叙利亚难民危机的最初反应,包括死亡后的公众支持·Kurdi叙利亚孩子淹死坐船旅行时从土耳其到希腊——一个孩子的家庭拒绝移民加拿大;2015年的大选是所有总理候选人公开讨论收容难民意识形态的平台。与拜哲文章中提出的与媒体和互联网有关的意识形态类似，这可以作为一个例子，说明世界性媒体如何导致公众的良知和抗议。然而，这也体现了Maddox和Cheah提出的全球公民身份的局限性，即移民如何成为官僚、决策者和公民(以有限的方式)决定谁能或不能成为一个国家或世界的公民的一个政治问题。在这个时候，加拿大公民也希望联邦政府与加拿大身份的修辞相匹配:富有同情心，公开参与国际社会，对新来者开放。

The newly elected government’s commitment to resettle Syrians was primarily driven by the momentum of the election, and later by the need to demonstrate the new government’s capacity to swiftly implement promises. It is through this shift in political being that Cheah’s theory of the state being made up of the citizens may be illustrated due to the majority of Canadian voters presenting more liberal or globally conscious values. The Canadian government further committed to resettling more than 25,000 Syrian refugees specifically between November, 2015 and February, 2016 with commitments extending into 2017 (Government of Canada, 2017). To date, a total of 40,081 Syrian refugees have resettled across 350 Canadian communities since the initiative was first introduced in 2015 (Government of Canada, 2017). Of these Syrian refugees 21,876 are Government Assisted, meaning that the government will provide the refugee (and their family, if applicable) with accommodation, clothing, food, assistance finding employment, and other resettlement assistance for one year or until they are able to support themselves (Government of Canada, 2017). A further 3,931Syrian refugees were resettled as Blended Visa-Referred Refugees, being selected by the UNHCR with further support being provided by the federal government and private sponsors (Government of Canada, 2017). The remaining 14,274 Syrian refugees are privately sponsored (Government of Canada, 2017).

While the number of privately sponsored refugees has increased over recent years the Canadian government has decreased the number of Syrian refugees that are privately sponsored, further limiting the number of refugees allowed to resettle in the country. It is through this permissive nature of allocating the number of citizens Canada allows within its borders, that the notion of cosmopolitanism is challenged by nationalism. As the world is theorized to be interacting on a global scale, the use of borders, immigration, and political discourse pertaining to the acceptance or bigotry towards Syrian refugees remains problematic. This connects with both Badger and Cheah’s theories as this highlights the role government plays in regulating global citizenship and movement. Through disallowing privately sponsored refugees into the country, this top-down approach challenges the bottom-up outcry and mobilization to increase the number of refugees coming into the country. While the government presents the ‘#refugeeswelcome’ rhetoric, through limiting the number of total refugees permitted into the country this representation of ‘welcoming’ may be challenged in a cosmopolitan context.

近年来，私人资助的难民数量有所增加，但加拿大政府减少了私人资助的叙利亚难民数量，进一步限制了获准在加拿大定居的难民数量。正是由于加拿大允许在其境内分配公民数量的这种宽容性质，世界主义的概念受到了民族主义的挑战。由于世界被理论化为在全球范围内互动，边界、移民和政治话语的使用与接纳或偏见叙利亚难民有关，仍然存在问题。这与Badger和Cheah的理论相联系，因为这强调了政府在调节全球公民和运动中所扮演的角色。通过不允许私人资助的难民进入该国，这种自上而下的做法挑战了自下而上的呼吁和动员，以增加进入该国的难民人数。虽然政府提出了“欢迎难民”的论调，但通过限制允许进入该国的难民总数，这种“欢迎难民”的表现形式可能在世界主义的背景下受到挑战。

With matching and arrival times between the initial phase of the program from November 2015 to February 2016 being quick, an unrealistic expectation for private individuals or groups waiting to be matched with a new coming refugee family has resulted (Marwah, 2016). Now that the target of 25,000 Syrian Refugees has been met, the process has significantly slowed down, leaving various parties on a waiting list to provide sponsorship (Marwah, 2016).  Other groups that were matched in this process have still been waiting for refugees to arrive, with some groups being stuck with empty rented apartments, have wasted resources, and are struggling with the sponsorship morale (Marwah, 2016). Additionally, further challenges exist keeping sponsors engaged and motivated as they may not be matched until the end of the year (Marwah, 2016). This can be associated with the article of Karen Badger as her theology highlights the need for individual consciousness and a conscious civil society. Through citizens being disallowed from sponsoring a refugee, this may potentially discourage sponsorship and result in a reduction of ‘cosmopolitan thinking’ – further encouraging ‘the pacifist’ theorized by Graham Maddox. While there is a need for the Canadian Government to articulate the complexities and the timing of a resettlement initiative of this scale, this process of refugee intake needs to be re-evaluated. With complex decision-making and political structures being overseen – increased communication among partnering agencies, as well as, further patience and commitment to support refugees is needed.

There is also a need for Canadian society to reflect upon the nature of which the country accepts refugees. While there is a stark difference between the services and preconception of Syrian and non-Syrian refugees, there is a need for increased attention as to the dualistic nature of the acceptance of refugees. Primarily this difference can be seen as Syrian refugees who arrived after the Liberal government came to power do not – in contrast to refugees of other nationalities and previous Syrian refugees – have to repay the government’s travel loan which enabled their journey to Canada (McMurdo, 2016). While the theory of Caron highlights a multicultural nation, full of welcoming and accepting individuals (as opposed to the USA), this does not accredit the challenges refugees may face upon re-settling. This may be related to this two-tiered system of refugee intake, as the nation ‘being cosmopolitan’ was quick to respond to the Syrian ‘crisis’ yet was not ‘globally conscious’ as to the needs and backgrounds of past refugees.

加拿大社会还需要反思该国接受难民的性质。虽然对叙利亚难民和非叙利亚难民的服务和先入为主的看法有明显的差别，但有必要更加注意接纳难民的二元论性质。这种差异主要可以被看作是，在自由党政府上台后抵达的叙利亚难民——与其他国籍的难民和之前的叙利亚难民不同——不必偿还政府的旅行贷款，这使他们能够前往加拿大(McMurdo, 2016)。虽然Caron的理论强调了一个多元文化的国家，充满了欢迎和接受个人(与美国相反)，但这并不认可难民在重新安置时可能面临的挑战。这可能与接纳难民的两级体系有关，因为这个“世界性”的国家对叙利亚“危机”做出了迅速的反应，但对过去难民的需求和背景却没有“全球意识”。

Furthermore, while non-Syrian refugees have arrived with debt and hundreds of cases to slowly make their way through the resettlement process, some Syrian refugees have been expedited and arrived in Canada with special treatment, loan free (Marwah, 2016). By putting forward a helpful and empathetic view towards the Syrian population, the government has effectively created two classes of refugees, disregarding fairness and equality towards all marginalized refugee groups. Others, including the private sector and social services – have followed suit in offering various benefits to newly arriving Syrians to Canada. Yet, this welcome has the effect of making invisible any other refugees (Marwah, 2016).

With the recent terror attacks throughout the world, and the resulting rhetoric of islamophobia, the initiative to resettle Syrians to Canada has become an increasingly debated topic among Canadians. Similar to the work of Maddox, this notion of uncertainty, fear, and xenophobia have been present in Canada in regards to the intake of refugees. Due to security in the resettlement processing has becoming a point of public contention, the Liberal government has shared and updated regular information/data to ease the fears of Canadian citizens. However, this has not limited the number of hate crimes and racist violence imposed on minority groups (refugee or not). As the nation fears uncertainty, and has been negatively influenced by media portraying terroristic events abroad, the way Canada situates itself within the global setting could become more conscious and aware of the limitation of such thinking.

随着最近全球范围内的恐怖袭击，以及由此产生的伊斯兰恐惧症，在加拿大重新安置叙利亚人的倡议已成为越来越多的辩论话题。与马多克斯的工作类似，这种不确定性、恐惧和仇外的概念在加拿大关于接纳难民的问题上一直存在。由于安置过程中的安全问题已成为公众争论的焦点，自由党政府已分享和更新定期信息/数据，以缓解加拿大公民的恐惧。然而，这并没有限制对少数群体(难民或非难民)实施仇恨犯罪和种族主义暴力的数量。由于国家害怕不确定性，并受到媒体对国外恐怖事件的报道的负面影响，加拿大在全球环境中的定位方式可以变得更加清醒，并意识到这种思维的局限性。

Also, disappointingly, settlement services in Canada have not yet received the same support from the government as was offered in physically resettling the refugees to Canada (McMurdo, 2016). With a huge and rapid influx of refugees, settlement services have been stretched beyond capacity, without sufficient resources to adequately address the refugees’ needs, or the time to invest in additional fundraising (McMurdo, 2016).  As a result of the scale of arrivals, enrolling the refugees in language classes and/or schools and allocating housing, along with other basic services has proven challenging (McMurdo, 2016). Certain refugees have been staying in temporary accommodation for weeks longer than usual (McMurdo, 2016). The private sector and civil society have played an active role in responding to the needs of the thousands of Syrian arrivals and to fill this gap (McMurdo, 2016).  Further training is needed for professionals to support this specific group of people and their varied needs, particularly government-assisted refugees, who have greater needs and vulnerabilities (McMurdo, 2016). Therefore, like the works of the theorists discussed in the earlier half of the paper, there is a need for civil consciousness and the support of non-government organizations and community groups to implement the services government falls short of providing. Through this anarchistic nature of cosmopolitanism and overall shared responsibility of our fellow countrymen (and women) or ‘global neighbours’, the limitations of nationalism and neoliberal globalization can be continually contested and reframed. By allowing individuals to take ownership of their behaviours on a domestic and international scale, the cosmopolitan revolution may continue to occur, further limiting the nationalistic fear and xenophobia shift the globe may current be seeing.

Conclusion结论

As the global population continues to be more interlinked, the theology of cosmopolitanism will continue to change and be reframed through future years. While it may seem that the ‘global citizen’ is being challenged ‘the most’ in recent years due to shifts towards nationalistic thinking and hate crimes increasing, the potential for globally conscious, aware citizens needs to be promoted. While this may be best done at a grass-roots, individualistic level – the potential for positive change may result. With the rhetoric surrounding Canadians and Syrian refugees might not being as ‘accepting’ as the government wants the nation to perceive it to be, increased education and interaction between Canadians and our newest refugee citizens (Syrian or not) yields the potential to break down the barriers of nationalism, further preventing ‘us’ from seeing the benefit of diversity and acceptance.

随着全球人口继续更加相互联系，世界主义神学将继续改变，并在未来的岁月中重新构建。近年来，由于民族主义思想的转变和仇恨犯罪的增加，“全球公民”似乎受到了“最多”的挑战，但全球意识和意识公民的潜力需要提升。虽然这可能最好在基层和个人层面上进行，但可能会产生积极变化的潜力。随着围绕加拿大和叙利亚难民的言论可能不像政府希望国家认为的那样“接受”，加拿大和我们最新的难民公民(叙利亚或非叙利亚人)之间的教育和互动产生了打破民族主义障碍的潜力，进一步阻止“我们”看到多样性和被接受的好处。

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