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留学作业网专业指导美国留学生心理学论文Review of General Psychology Copyright 1998 by the Educational Publishing Foundation
The Emerging Field of Emotion Regulation: An Integrative Review
James J. Gross
Stanford University
The emerging field of emotion regulation studies how individuals influence whichemotions they have, when they have them, and how they experience and express them.
This review takes an evolutionary perspective and characterizes emotion in terms ofresponse tendencies. Emotion regulation is defined and distinguished from coping,mood regulation, defense, and affect regulation. In the increasingly specialized disciplineof psychology, the field of emotion regulation cuts across traditional boundariesand provides common ground. According to a process model of emotion regulation,emotion may be regulated at five points in the emotion generative process: (a) selectionof the situation, (b) modification of the situation, (c) deployment of attention, (d)change of cognitions, and (e) modulation of responses. The field of emotion regulationpromises new insights into age-old questions about how people manage their emotions.Conquer your passions and you conquer the wodd.
---Hindu proverb
To yield to man's emotions will assuredly lead to strifeand disorderliness . . . . It is only under the influence ofteachers and laws.., that courtesy will be observed,etiquette respected, and order restored.
--Hsun Tzu (3rd C., B.C.E., DeBary, Chan, & Watson,
1960, p. 118)
The principal use of prudence or self-control is that itteaches us to be masters of our passions.
--Descartes (1649/1955, p. 427)
How should we manage our emotions?Should we attend to them or disregard them?
Esteem them or revile them? Encourage them orsuppress them? Each culture answers thesequestions differently, but there is a commontheme: we need to exert some measure ofcontrol over our emotions. Nowhere, perhaps, isthis interventionist sentiment stronger than inthe West. One of thecentral tenets of Westernphilosophy is "the wisdom of reason against thetreachery and temptations of the passions"
(Solomon, 1976, p. 11).
Even within the Western tradition, however,opinions differ as to just how much emotionsshould be controlled. Some philosophers, such
Work on this article was supported by Grant MH58147from the National Institute of Mental Health. I would like tothank Lisa Feldman Barrett, Oliver John, Richard Lane,
Randy Larsen, and James Pennebaker for helpful commentson a draft of this article.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressedto James J. Gross, Department of Psychology,
Stanford University, Stanford, California 94305-2130.Electronic mail may be sent to james @psych.stanford.edu.as Seneca (trans., 1963) and Ryle (1949), haveseen emotions as troublesome deviations from#p#分页标题#e#
proper functioning, and thus in need of severecorrection. Others, such as Aristotle (trans.,1941) and Hume (1739/1969), have seenemotions in a more positive light, and thus lessin need of strict regulation. This ambivalentWestern legacy is reflected in conflicting sayingssuch as "He who keeps a cool headprevails" and "Let your feelings be yourguide."
In the past 2 decades, an exciting new chapterhas opened in the age-old discussion of how weshould manage emotions: psychological researchhas begun to focus explicitly on emotionregulation. Research on emotion regulationoriginated in developmental psychology (Gaensbauer,1982) and now is flourishing in the childand adult literatures alike (e.g., Campos, Campos,& Barrett, 1989; Gross, 1998). In thisarticle, I review the emerging field of emotionregulation. First, I orient the reader to anevolutionary perspective that views emotions as
response tendencies. Second, I define emotionregulation and distinguish it from relatedconstructs. Third, I show how emotion regulationcuts across traditional subdisciplinary
boundaries within psychology. Fourth, I proposea process model of emotion regulation thatfacilitates analysis of the potentially overwhelmingnumber of kinds of emotion regulation.Fifth, I consider several important challengesthat the field still needs to address. I concludethat we do not yet have complete answers to
271
272 GROSS
most of the questions about how emotions are
regulated. Nonetheless, I argue that psychological
research on emotion regulation shows every
promise of providing the theoretical models and
the empirical findings needed to answer fundamental
questions about how we can and should
manage our emotions.
What Is Emotion?
Any discussion of emotion regulation presupposes
an understanding of what emotion is. And
not just any definition will do. For example,
Carver and Scheier (1990) view emotion as the
readout of a system that monitors the rate at
which the discrepancy between a goal and
reality is being decreased (also see Hsee &
Abelson, 1991, for a similar position). Positive
emotion signals a rate of discrepancy reduction
that is faster than expected; negative emotion
signals a rate that is slower than expected.
Although the individual may take actions that
lead to a decrease in negative emotion (e.g.,
allocating more resources to the task; Carver,
Lawrence, & Scheier, 1996), emotion regulation
is viewed as an accidental by-product of such
action, rather than an end in itself. For thisreason, Carver and Scheier's (1990) conceptionof emotion provides relatively inhospitableground for the study of emotion regulation.Emotions as Response TendenciesOther perspectives fairly cry out for ananalysis of emotion regulation. William James(1884, 1894), for example, regarded emotions asadaptive behavioral and physiological responsetendencies that are called forth directly byevolutionarily significant situations. Althoughindividuals often express these emotional responsetendencies, they do not always do so.James's view of emotions as response tendenciesallows that individuals may modulate theiremotional response tendencies, such as whenthey whistle instead of running away in fear.#p#分页标题#e#
Discrepancies between emotional response tendenciesand manifest behavior prompt questionsabout how, why, and when individuals might tryto regulate their emotional response tendencies.Researchers today continue to draw onJames's response-tendency perspective. As
http://www.ukassignment.org/liuxueshenglunwen/shown in Figure 1, many contemporary researchersconceive of emotions as flexible response
sequences (Buck, 1994; Frijda, 1986; Scherer,1984) that are called forth whenever anindividual evaluates a situation as offering
important challenges or opportunities (Tooby &Cosmides, 1990). Emotional response tendenciesare relatively short lived and involvechanges in the behavioral, experiential, autonomic,and neuroendocrine systems (Lang,1995). Importantly, emotional response tenden-EmotionalCues
I
Emotional
Response Tendencies
.Behavioral
.Experiential
.Physiological JI
Evaluation Modulation
Emotional
Responses
Figure 1. A consensual process model of emotion generation. Adapted from "Antecedentand
Response-Focused Emotion Regulation," by J. J. Gross, 1998, Journal of Personality andSocial Psychology, 74, p. 226. Copyright 1998 by the American Psychological Association.
Adapted with permission.
SPECIAL ISSUE: EMOTION REGULATION 273cies may be modulated, and it is this modulationthat determines the final shape of the emotional
response (Gross, 1998). tHistorically, emotions were seen as nonspecific,disruptive activation states (Hebb, 1949;
Young, 1943). More recent analyses emphasizethe functions emotions serve (Keltner & Gross,
in press). Although emotions address differentadaptive problems (Ekman, 1992), they generally
facilitate decision making (Oatley &Johnson-Laird, 1987), prepare the individual forrapid motor responses (Frijda, 1986), and
provide information regarding the ongoingmatch between organism and environment(Schwarz & Clore, 1983). In addition to their
intraorganismic functions, emotions also servesocial functions. They inform us about others'
behavioral intentions (Fridlund, 1994), give usclues as to whether something is good or bad(Walden, 1991), and script our social behavior
(Averill, 1980; Keltner & Buswell, 1997).
Enthusiasm for functional analyses of emotionshould not blind us to James's observationthat emotional response tendencies often need tobe modulated. Indeed, inherent in the notion of aresponse tendency is the idea that a response
tendency is only one of many determinants ofbehavior. In the discussion of emotion regulationthat follows, I draw on James's responsetendency
perspective on emotion. First, however,I clarify several important distinctions among
terms that often are used interchangeably.Relations With Related Constructs
All manner of distinctions have been made inan attempt to bring order to the "conceptual anddefinitional chaos" that characterizes emotionresearch (Buck, 1990, p. 330). Many of thesedistinctions are idiosyncratic. However, a fewdistinctions have broader currency, including#p#分页标题#e#
those made among affect, emotion, emotionepisodes, and mood.In some contexts, affect and emotion are used
interchangeably. In others, affect is used to referto the experiential (Buck, 1993; MacLean,1990) or behavioral (American Psychiatric
Association [APA], 1994; Kaplan & Sadock,1991) components of emotion. Following
Scherer (1984), I use affect as the superordinatecategory for valenced states, including emotions
such as anger and sadness, emotion episodessuch as a barroom brawl and delivering bad
news to a close friend, moods such as depressionand euphoria, dispositional states such as liking
and hating, and traits such as cheerfulness and
irascibility (Chaplin, John, & Goldberg, 1988).
The most important distinctions among members
of the affect family are those among
emotion, emotion episodes, and mood. Whereasemotions unfold over a relatively short timeperiod, emotion episodes are more extended inboth time and space (Frijda, 1993; Stein,Trabasso, & Liwag, 1993). Emotion episodes,also referred to as plots (Ekman, 1984), scripts
(Tomkins, 1984), and adaptational encounters(Lazarus, 1991a), include each of the protagonists
and all of the events in a given emotionalscene (Forgas, 1982). For example, the emotionof anger involves acute changes in posture,facial movements, tone of voice, verbal expression,experience, and autonomic responding.
The emotion episode of anger includes all ofthese things as well as the instigator, the socialcontext, and the whole sequence of responses
and recriminations as they emerge in theongoing interaction (see Averill, 1982).
Emotions also may be distinguished frommoods (Parkinson, Totterdell, Briner, & Reynolds,
1996). One distinguishing feature isduration (Nowlis & Nowlis, 1956); mood is the"pervasive and sustained 'emotional climate,'"and emotions are "fluctuating changes inemotional 'weather'" (APA, 1994, p. 763). Asecond distinguishing feature is that emotionstypically have specific objects and give rise tobehavioral response tendencies relevant to theseobjects (Frijda, 1993; Isen, 1984; Lazarus,1991a). By contrast, moods are more diffuse(Morris, 1989), and although they may give riseto broad action tendencies such as approach orwithdrawal (Lang, 1995), moods bias cognitionmore than they bias action (Davidson, 1994;
Fiedler, 1988). Recently, several investigatorshave formulated a hierarchical view that integratesemotions and moods (Diener, Smith, &
Fujita, 1995; Watson & Clark, 1992). This viewholds that specific emotions are lower orderelements within higher order valenced moodcategories. In the context of emotion regulation,
1 The process model of emotion generation presented inFigure 1 is a distillation of major points of convergenceacross emotion researchers including Arnold (1960), Ekman(1972), Izard (1977), Lazarus (1991a), Levenson (1994),
Leventhal (1984), Plutchik (1980), Scherer (1984), andTomkins (1962).#p#分页标题#e#
274 GROSShowever, differences in the response tendenciesthat are associated with moods and emotions
suggest the need for maintaining this distinction.I therefore focus primarily on the regulation ofemotion rather than affect, emotion episodes, ormood. 2
What Is Emotion Regulation?
From time immemorial, people have wonderedhow to manage their emotions. Only in the
past 2 decades, however, has the field of emotion
regulation begun to emerge as a relatively
independent research domain. Now that we have
a working definition of emotion, we can address
the topic of emotion regulation. In the following
sections, I consider two precursors to thecontemporary study of emotion regulation. Ithen use a response-tendency perspective todefine emotion regulation.Precursors to the Contemporary Study
of Emotion RegulationThe psychoanalytic tradition is one important
precursor to the contemporary study of emotionregulation. This tradition emphasizes two types
of anxiety regulation (S. Freud, 1926/1959). Thefirst concerns reality-based anxiety, which arises
when situational demands overwhelm the ego.Here, anxiety regulation consists of avoiding
such situations in the future, even to the point ofexcessive behavioral constriction. The second
type of anxiety regulation concerns id- andsuperego-based anxiety, which arises when
strong impulses press for expression. Here,anxiety regulation consists of curtailing theexpression of impulses that the ego judges willcreate high levels of future anxiety. Ego defenseis the general term given to processes thatregulate these two types of anxiety as well asother painful negative affects (Paulhus, Fridhandler,& Hayes, 1997). Typically, ego defensesoperate outside of awareness (Erdelyi, 1993).
Individuals have characteristic defensive stylesthat differ in reality distortion, impairment,energy consumption, and unnecessary nongratificationof impulses (Fenichel, 1945; A. Freud,1946; Haan, 1977; Vaillant, 1977). Emotion
regulation researchers remain concerned withreducing negative emotion experience throughbehavioral or mental control. However, thefocus has expanded to include conscious andunconscious processes that increase or decreasethe experience or expression of negative orpositive emotions (Mayer & Salovey, 1995;Parrott, 1993). Methodologically, correlationaland experimental approaches have taken theplace of the clinical method. Researchers stillview difficulties with emotion regulation asbeing central to psychopathology (Cicchetti,
Ackerman, & Izard, 1995; Gross & Munoz,1995); however, they now pay greater attentionto normative emotion regulatory processes.
The stress and coping tradition is a secondimportant precursor to contemporary emotionregulationresearch. The organizing principle inthis tradition is that organisms produce similarpsychophysiological responses to diverse challenges(Selye, 1956; see also Sapolsky, 1994).
Early researchers focused on responses tophysical challenges such as cold or crowding.#p#分页标题#e#
Later researchers expanded their focus toinclude responses to psychological challengessuch as public speaking or exams. Although
psychological stress and coping research has itsroots in the psychoanalytic tradition, it isdistinguished by a concern with adaptive,
conscious coping processes, and by a focus onsituational rather than person variables (Parker
& Endler, 1996). Coping is defined as "cognitiveand behavioral efforts to manage specificexternal and/or internal demands that areappraised as taxing or exceeding the resourcesof the person" (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984,p. 141). Researchers have distinguished betweenproblem-focused coping, which aims tosolve the problem, and emotion-focused coping,which aims to decrease negative emotion
experience. Emotion regulation researchers haveborrowed heavily from the stress and copingtradition. However, by examining specific emotions,they have sought to make finer graineddistinctions among environment-organism interactionsthan is possible using the broader rubricof stress. Emotion regulation researchers alsohave emphasized that both positive and negativeemotions may be regulated, and that bothemotion expression and experience may betargeted. Although traditional definitions of
2 Mayer, Salovey, Gomberg-Kaufman, and Blainey (1991)have proposed a conception of mood that subsumes moodregulation. This substantially enlarges the traditional conceptionof mood. I believe it may be more useful to distinguishregulatory processes from the targets of regulation.SPECIAL ISSUE: EMOTION REGULATION 275coping overlap with contemporary conceptionsof emotion regulation, coping and emotionregulation are by no means redundant. Copingincludes nonemotional actions taken to achievenonemotional goals (Scheier, Weinbtraub, &
Carver, 1986) as well as actions taken toregulate emotions. Emotion regulation includes
processes that may or may not tax the individual'sresources, as well as processes not traditionallyconsidered in the coping literature, such assustaining or augmenting positive emotions (butsee Folkman, 1997).
Defining Emotion RegulationWhat, then, is emotion regulation? Emotion
regulation refers to the processes by whichindividuals influence which emotions they have,when they have them, and how they experience
and express these emotions. Emotion regulatoryprocesses may be automatic or controlled,
conscious or unconscious, and may have theireffects at one or more points in the emotiongenerative process (which I describe in a latersection). Because emotions are multicomponential
processes that unfold over time, emotionregulation involves changes in "emotion dynamics"(Thompson, 1990), or the latency, rise time,
magnitude, duration, and offset of responses inbehavioral, experiential, or physiological domains.
Emotion regulation also involves changesin how response components are interrelated asthe emotion unfolds, such as when large
increases in physiological responding occur inthe absence of overt behavior.#p#分页标题#e#
This perspective on emotion regulation treatsthe nervous system as multiple, partially independentinformation processing subsystems (e.g.,
Fodor, 1983; Gazzaniga, 1985; LeDoux, 1989;Maclean, 1975; Malmo, 1975; Panksepp, 1982).
Subsystems work with differing inputs, andoften provide different outputs, even given thesame input. Imagining a provocation can
produce anger, even when we know that there isno threat (Lang, 1979). Similarly, seeing a roachin our soup can produce feelings of disgust and
fear of disease, even when we know the roachhas been sterilized (Rozin & Fallon, 1987).
Interconnected neural subsystems monitor oneanother to varying degrees and are in continuousbidirectional excitatory or inhibitory interaction.
The notion that there are bidirectional linksbetween limbic centers that generate emotionand cortical centers that regulate emotion isimportant. It forces us to move beyond simplemodels of top-down control (Head, 1921;
Jackson, 1884) to models that emphasizeemotional tuning of higher brain centers (Derryberry
& Tucker, 1992) as well as moretraditional top-down control.
I focus on five aspects of this definition ofemotion regulation. First, individuals increase,maintain, and decrease negative and positive
emotions (Parrott, 1993). All of these processes
are included in my definition of emotion
regulation. Second, neural emotion circuits donot appear to overlap completely (LeDoux,1994; Panksepp, 1982; 1998). This suggests thatcircuits involved in regulating these emotionsalso may not overlap completely, and that theremay be important differences in emotion regulatory
processes across emotions. Third, thisdefinition of emotion regulation emphasizes
regulation in self. Other definitions includeattempts to influence others' emotions (e.g.,
Gross & Levenson, 1993; Masters, 1991;Thompson, 1994). I now believe this double
usage is unfortunate, as it mixes two potentiallyquite different sets of motives, goals, andprocesses. Fourth, prototypic examples of emotionregulation are conscious, such as decidingto change an upsetting conversational topic orsquelching laughter at a child's inappropriateantics. One can imagine, however, emotionregulatory activity that occurs without consciousawareness, such as hiding one's disappointmentat an unattractive present (Cole,1986) or turning one's attention away from
potentially upsetting material (Boden &Baumeister, 1997). Previous discussions have
distinguished categorically between consciousand unconscious processes (Masters, 1991;
Mayer & Salovey, 1995). I prefer to think of acontinuum from conscious, effortful, and controlledregulation to unconscious, effortless, andautomatic regulation (Shiffrin & Schneider,1977). Fifth, I make no a priori assumptions asto whether emotion regulation is good or bad
(Thompson & Calkins, 1996). This circumventsthe confusion that was created in the stress and
coping literature by predefining defenses asmaladaptive and coping as adaptive (Parker &#p#分页标题#e#
Endler, 1996). Thus, cognitive strategies thatdampen negative emotions may permit medicalprofessionals to operate successfully (Lief &
Fox, 1963; Smith & Kleinman, 1989). The same
276 GROSS
留学作业网专业指导美国留学生心理学论文strategies, however, may be used to dehumanizean enemy and neutralize empathic distress thatcould interfere with state-sanctioned killing
(Bandura, 1977).
Relations With Related Constructs
Constructs related to emotion regulation
include coping, mood regulation, mood repair,
defense, and affect regulation. Coping is distinguished
from emotion regulation by its primary
focus on decreasing negative emotion experience
and by its use of the protracted organismsituation
interaction----or emotion episode--as
the preferred unit of analysis. Moods are
distinguished from emotions by their less well
defined behavioral response tendencies. Thus in
comparison with emotion regulation, mood
regulation and mood repair are more concerned
with altering emotion experience than emotion
behavior (Forgas, 1995; Parkinson et al., 1996;
Thayer, 1996). Like coping, defenses typically
have as their focus the regulation of negative
emotion experience, particularly anxiety. Defenses
usually are unconscious (Bond, Gardner,
Christian, & Sigal, 1983) and are studied as
stable individual differences rather than as
processes. The construct of affect regulation has
been used in a variety of ways (e.g., Taylor,
Bagby, & Parker, 1997; Westen, 1994). In
keeping with the broad conception of affect
described above, Figure 2 depicts affect regulation
as superordinate to coping, emotion regulation,
mood regulation, and traditional egodefensive
processes. These closely related
constructs have permeable boundaries, but I
conceptualize emotion regulation as one of
several major forms of affect regulation.
Affect Regulation
Figure 2. A hierarchical conception of affect regulation.
Emotion Regulation Across
Psychological Subdisciplines
Emotion regulation cuts across traditional
subdisciplinary boundaries. 3 As shown in Figure
3, each of the major subfields of psychology
contributes to an understanding of emotion
regulation. The field of emotion regulation
therefore provides important common ground in
an age of fractionation and specialization. In the
following sections, I consider emotion regulation
from the perspective of biological, cognitive,
developmental, social, personality, clinical,
and health psychology. Recognizing that each
section could grow into a full-length review, I
illustrate, rather than fully review, the contributions#p#分页标题#e#
these seven subfields have made or could
make to the study of emotion regulation.
Biological Psychology
One challenge that faces biological psychology
in general, and the allied discipline of
affective neuroscience in particular (Davidson
& Sutton, 1995; Panksepp, 1991; 1998), is to
elucidate the neural substrate of emotion regulation.
Researchers now think that bidirectional
pathways (Mega & Cummings, 1994) between
prefrontal cortex and subcortical emotiongenerative
structures modulate subcortical activity
(LeDoux, 1987; MacLean, 1990; Ploog,
1992) and suffuse cortical information processing
with emotional meaning (Damasio, 1994).
Evidence implicating the prefrontal cortex in
emotion regulation comes both from lesion and
developmental studies. Individuals who have
lesions involving the prefrontal region tend to be
emotionally impulsive and poorly affectively
regulated (e.g., Kolb & Taylor, 1990; Rolls,
Hornak, Wade, & McGrath, 1994; Stuss &
Benson, 1986; Tucker, Luu, & Pribram, 1995).
Developmentally, too, a correlation has been
reported between structural changes in the
prefrontal cortex that take place toward the end
of the first year and the emergence of rudimentary
forms of emotion regulation (Dawson,
3I focus on psychological research, although other
disciplines also have made important contributions to the
study of emotion regulation, including philosophy (e.g.,
Solomon, 1976), sociology (e.g., Hochschild, 1979), anthropology
(e.g., White, 1993), and economics (e.g., Loewenstein,
1996).
SPECIAL ISSUE: EMOTION REGULATION 277
~ ocial~
sona,i
J
I motionRe ,,1,,tion I
J oa,O
Figure 3. Emotion regulation and seven subfields of psychology.
Panagiotides, Klinger, & Hill, 1992; Diamond,
1991).
There is much to learn, however, about the
precise nature of central (e.g., Diamond, 1991)
and peripheral (e.g., Fabes & Eisenberg, 1997;
Porges, 1995) mechanisms that mediate emotion
regulation. Are emotional impulses regulated by
the same mechanisms that provide control over
other prepotent impulses (APA, 1994; Lion,
1992)? Or are regulatory structures specific not
only to various classes of impulses (e.g.,
emotional, appetitive, aversive) but even to the
individual emotions themselves? Hints of specificity
have emerged, but researchers have yet to
agree about even such basic issues as whether
the left or right prefrontal cortex is preferentially
charged with the regulation of negative versus
positive emotion (e.g., Dawson et al., 1992; Fox,
1994b; Tucker et al., 1995). Effective regulation
requires feedback from the monitored system,
and there are multiple internal and external#p#分页标题#e#
sources of information about emotional responding
(Pennebaker & Roberts, 1992). However,
little is known about how emotional response
tendencies are represented at various levels of
the neuroaxis. How might these representations
influence emotion regulation? Is the capacity to
verbally label emotional response tendencies
necessary for certain forms of emotion regulation
(Feldman Barrett, in press; Lane, Ahem,
Schwartz, & Kaszniak, 1997; Taylor et al.,
1997)? Answers to questions regarding the
neural bases of emotion regulation will provide
a much needed biological foundation for future
theoretical and empirical analyses.
Cognitive Psychology
Long cool to emotion, cognitive psychology
has begun to show an appreciation of the rich
interdigitation of cognitive and affective processes
or, as Lewis and colleagues put it, the
"cognitive-emotional fugue" (Lewis, Sullivan,
& Michalson, 1984). Researchers have demonstrated
complex dependencies between affective
processes and cognitive processes such as
problem solving (e.g., Clore, 1994; Isen, Daubman,
& Nowicki, 1987), learning (e.g., Mineka,
Davidson, Cook, & Keir, 1984; Ohman, 1986),
and memory (e.g., Blaney, 1986; Cahill, Prins,
Weber, & McGaugh, 1994; Chdstianson, 1992).
Research directly relevant to emotion regulation
has been limited. However, Wegner and
colleagues recently have begun to clarify the
cognitive underpinnings of one form of emotion
regulation (Wegner, Erber, & Zanakos, 1993).
They have shown that attempts to regulate
negative emotions via thought suppression yield
paradoxical increases in negative mood if
cognitive load is high. Wegner (1994) hypothesizes
that when cognitive resources are limited,
the conscious operating system that seeks out
278 GROSS
desired mental contents is out-performed by a
less cognitively costly monitoring system that
flags undesirable mental contents. Several recent
studies have assessed the cognitive consequences
of emotion regulation more directly. In
two studies, Richards and Gross (in press) found
that emotion suppression impaired memory for
auditory information that had been presented
during an emotion-eliciting slide-viewing task.
In a complementary study, Baumeister (in press)
found that both emotion suppression and
exaggeration impaired performance on subsequent
cognitive tasks such as anagram solving.
Because emotion regulation involves both attention
allocation and cognitive processing, cognitive
psychology is uniquely equipped to probe
these processes.
Developmental Psychology
Recognizing that self-regulation is the foundation
of organized behavior (Maccoby, 1980),
developmental psychologists have paid considerable#p#分页标题#e#
attention to emotion regulation (e.g.,
Bridges & Grolnick, 1995; Eisenberg & Fabes,
1992a; Fox, 1994a; Garber & Dodge, 1991).
One key discovery is temperamental differences
in emotion and emotion regulation (Derryberry
& Rothbart, 1997). Some children have lower
thresholds for negative or positive affect than do
others (e.g., Davidson, 1992; Derryberry &
Rothbart, 1984; Fox, 1989). Likewise, some
children have better emotion regulatory capacities,
such as self-soothing, than others (Rothbart
& Derryberry, 1981). Under the rubric of social
referencing, researchers have considered how
adult emotion-expressive behavior alters children's
ongoing behavior (Bandura, 1992; Campos
& Stenberg, 1981), and Block (1971) has
described the importance of parental investment
in ego control. From an early age, nonverbal
guidance is richly supplemented by emotion talk
(Dunn & Brown, 1991; Hooven, Gottman, &
Katz, 1995). One important question is how
others' emotion regulatory suggestions interact
with temperamental factors to shape what
children say to themselves when they are on
their own (Kopp, 1982; Luria, 1961).
The interaction between response tendencies
and regulatory capacities has been explored in
the context of attachment (e.g., Belsky &
Rovine, 1987; Dozier & Kobak, 1992; Thompson,
1990) and social competence (Eisenberg et
al., 1995; Rubin, Coplan, Fox, & Calkins,
1995). Developmental psychologists also have
explored children's developing conceptions of
and capacities for emotion regulation (e.g.,
Meerum Terwogt & Stegge, 1995). This literature
has focused on children's emerging understanding
that they can--and often should--
control their emotions (e.g., Cole, Zahn-Waxler,
& Smith, 1994; Harris, 1989; Kopp, 1989;
Saarni, 1990). Developmental psychologists
have focused primarily on infancy and early
childhood. Recently, life-span theorists also
have begun to study emotion regulatory processes.
For example, Carstensen and colleagues
have found that the salience of emotion
regulatory goals increases with age (Carstensen,
1995) and that emotional control may actually
increase with age (Gross et al., 1997). One
important challenge is to chart the developmental
course of emotion regulation across the life
span.
Social Psychology
Social psychology might seem irrelevant to a
conception of emotion that prioritizes internal
action tendencies. However, response tendencies
are inextricably linked to social context
(Buck, 1984, 1994); classic investigations of
authority (Milgram, 1974) and deindividuation
(Zimbardo, 1969) have revealed just how far
emotional responses can be shaped by social#p#分页标题#e#
context. More recently, social psychologists
have explored the social foundations of emotional
processes in studies of independent versus
interdependent cultures (e.g., Markus & Kitayama,
1991; Weisz, Rothbaum, & Blackburn,
1984). By considering social context, researchers
will transcend inner or "push" models of
emotion, and develop more sophisticated models
that emphasize both "push" and "pull"
factors (Ekman, 1972; Kappas, 1996).
Such models are clearly necessary to understand
the emotion regulatory bases of important
social processes such as helping behavior,
self-handicapping, marital interaction, and dissonance
reduction. For example, Cialdini and
colleagues' negative-state relief model (Cialdini,
Darby, & Vincent, 1973) holds that helping
behavior is motivated by the desire to decrease
one's own sadness (see Batson & Shaw, 1991;
Cialdini & Fulz, 1990). But when does an
individual alter a situation in order to decrease
SPECIAL ISSUE: EMOTION REGULATION 279
another person's negative emotion-expressive
behavior that is upsetting (Hoffman, 1981)
rather than deflecting attention (Shaw, Batson,
& Todd, 1994)? Social handicapping, or actions
taken to excuse failure or magnify credit for
success (Berglas & Jones, 1978), may be framed
as a trade-off between optimally effective action
and anticipatory emotion regulation (Baumeister
& Scher, 1988). In order to feel proud, or to
avoid feeling shame, individuals may introduce
obstacles or withdraw effort, thereby diminishing
the objective probability of success. Emotion
regulatory processes also figure prominently
in marital interaction: Gottman (1993)
suggested that marital interaction styles are
crafted so as to achieve a certain ratio of positive
to negative emotion. The motivating power of
negative-emotion reduction also is relevant to
cognitive dissonance processes, originally described
as efforts undertaken to reconcile two
logically inconsistent cognitions (Festinger,
1957). Although typically framed in cognitive
terms, dissonance reduction can be conceptualized
in terms of individuals' attempts to
diminish negative emotions engendered by
self-relevant discrepancies (see Abselson, 1983;
J. Cooper & Fazio, 1984; Steele, 1988; Swann,
1987; Tesser & Cornell, 1991). Because emotion
regulation is almost always a social affair,
social psychology will play a vital role in
emotion regulation research.
Personality Psychology
Personality psychology is centrally concerned
with agency (Bandura, 1982). An agentic
perspective acknowledges the role of social
factors, such as those described in the previous
section, but emphasizes the active role that#p#分页标题#e#
individuals play in shaping their own behavior
and the world around them. Much of the
research inspired by this perspective has focused
on perceptions of environmental control (Rothbaum
et al., 1982; Seligman, 1975); perceived
coping efficacy now is known to affect a wide
range of outcomes, including anxiety and
depression (for a review, see Bandura, 1997).
Recently, analyses of control over external
events have been complemented by analyses of
control over internal psychological processes
such as thoughts and emotions (Bandura, 1997;
Logan & Cowan, 1984; Wegner & Pennebaker,
1993). The study of emotion regulatory processes
forms a natural part of this inquiry.
But personality psychology is more than the
study of basic personality processes. It also is
concerned with individual differences. Understanding
emotion regulatory processes requires
a working conception of what is being regulated
in a particular person at a particular time.
Research on individual differences in emotion
has focused on emotional expression (e.g.,
Gross & John, 1997, 1998; Kring, Smith, &
Neale, 1994), experience (e.g., Feldman, 1995;
Lane & Schwartz, 1987; Larsen & Ketelaar,
1991), and physiological responding (e.g., Fox,
1989; Goldsmith, 1993; Porges, 1995), as well
as on the interrelations among response systems
(e.g., Cacioppo et al., 1992). Unfortunately, a
consideration of individual differences in emotion
regulation is complicated by the large
number of terms that have been used (John,
1990). These include emotional control (Roger
& Najarian, 1989), negative-mood regulation
(Catanzaro & Mearns, 1990), repression (Weinberger,
1990), and rumination-distraction
(Nolen-Hoeksema, 1993). Related constructs
include monitoring-blunting (Miller, 1987),
sensation seeking (Zuckerman, 1979), constructive
thinking (Epstein & Meier, 1989), optimism
(Scheier & Carver, 1985), impulsivity (Eysenck
& Eysenck, 1969), behavioral inhibition (Kagan,
Reznick, & Snidman, 1988), constraint
(Tellegen, 1985), ambivalence over emotional
expressivity (King & Emmons, 1990), delay of
gratification (Mischel, 1974), alexithymia (G. J.
Taylor et al., 1997), levels of emotional
awareness (Lane, Quinlan, Schwartz, Walker, &
Zeitlin, 1990), coping style (Carver, Scheier, &
Weintraub, 1989), ego control (Block & Block,
1980), and emotional intelligence (Salovey,
Hsee, & Mayer, 1993). Some constructs, such as
rumination, focus on specific regulatory processes.
Other constructs, such as emotional
intelligence, include diverse processes such as
"the verbal and nonverbal appraisal and expression
of emotion, the regulation of emotion in the#p#分页标题#e#
self and others, and the utilization of emotional
context in problem solving" (Mayer & Salovey,
1993, p. 433). This wealth of constructs testifies
to the importance of individual differences in
emotion regulation. However, one important
contribution will be to further specify the
emotion regulatory processes that underlie each
of these individual-difference constructs.
280 GROSS
Clinical Psychology
Emotion regulatory processes are central to
mental health; they can either support or disrupt
the capacity to work, relate to others, and enjoy
oneself (Gross & Munoz, 1995). Indeed, emotion
dysregulation is implicated in over half of
the DSM-1V Axis I disorders and in all of the
Axis II disorders (APA, 1994; Gross & Levenson,
1997; Thoits, 1985). In adults, emotion
dysregulation is associated with clinical problems
including binge eating (e.g., Lingswiler,
Crowther, & Stephens, 1989), alcohol abuse
(e.g., M. L. Cooper, Frone, Russell, & Mudar,
1995; Marlatt, 1985; Sayette, 1993), and of
course anxiety and the mood disorders (e.g.,
Barlow, 1986; Beck, Rush, Shaw, & Emory,
1979). In children, difficulties regulating depression
and anxiety are related to internalizing
disorders, whereas difficulties regulating anger
are related to externalizing disorders (e.g.,
Caspi, Henry, McGee, Moffitt, & Silva, 1995;
Rubin et al., 1995). Within the normal range of
functioning, poor emotion regulation in conjunction
with high levels of negative emotion
predicts lesser social competence and decreased
peer acceptance and liking (Eisenberg & Fabes,
1992b). A shared focus on emotion regulation
unites developmental and clinical psychology in
the study of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder
(Barkley, 1997; Hinshaw, Simmer, & Heller,
1995), Down's syndrome (Thompson, 1991),
and child maltreatment (Cicchetti et al., 1991).
Emotion dysregulation--particularly high levels
of poorly regulated hostility--has effects that
extend beyond the dysregulated individual.
Vulnerable family members, such as those
recently hospitalized for schizophrenia (Kavanagh,
1992) or depression (Coiro & Gottesman,
1996), are at elevated risk for relapse if
their family environment is characterized by
high levels of negative-emotion expression.
Interventions to help individuals, couples, and
families modify ineffective patterns of emotion
regulation are the staple of psychotherapy. Such
interventions target emotion regulatory patterns
ranging from those that influence the situation
(e.g., Lewinsohn, Munoz, Youngren, & Zeiss,
1986) or the way the situation is construed (e.g.,
Dodge, 1991; Ellis, 1962) to those that alter the#p#分页标题#e#
emotional response itself (e.g., Deffenbacher,
1994; Novaco, 1975). Many schools of therapy
teach that difficulties with emotion regulation
must be re-experienced in therapy (Cicchetti et
al., 1991; Greenberg & Safran, 1987) where the
therapist can help the patient develop the
capacity to regulate emotions in new ways
(Averill & Nunley, 1992; Folkman & Lazarus,
1988). Establishing what constitutes "appropriate"
emotion regulation is an important challenge
for clinicians who must help patients
examine what their implicit emotion regulatory
goals are, what they would like them to be, and
how they may best achieve these goals.
Health Psychology
Health psychologists long have maintained
that mismanaging negative emotions can cause
illness (Alexander & French, 1946; Dunbar,
1954; Friedman, 1990). Some evidence now
supports this claim. Chronic hostility and anger
inhibition are associated with hypertension and
coronary heart disease (e.g., Dembroski, Mac-
Dougal, Williams, Haney, & Blumenthal, 1985;
Jorgensen, Johnson, Kolodziej, & Schreer,
1996; Julkunen, Salonen, Kaplan, Chesney, &
Salonen, 1994; T. W. Smith, 1992; but see Suls,
Wan, & Costa, 1995). Emotion inhibition also
may exacerbate minor ailments (Pennebaker,
1990; Pennebaker, Kiecolt-Glaser, & Glaser,
1988) and may even accelerate cancer progression
(Fawzy et al., 1993; Gross, 1989; Spiegel,
Bloom, Kraemer, & Gottheil, 1989). The theme
that unites these findings is that tight control of
negative emotions may adversely affect physical
health.
How might emotional control affect physical
health? One possible mechanism is sustained
physiological responding that exceeds metabolic
demands (Folkow, 1987; Steptoe, 1981;
R. B. Williams, 1986). Relative to natural
emotional expression, suppression leads to
increased sympathetic activation despite a concomitant
decrease in somatic activity (Gross &
Levenson, 1993; 1997). However, there is an
immense difference between acute changes in
sympathetic tone and clinically significant
pathology. This gap needs to be bridged by
studies that link the short- and long-term
consequences of emotion regulation. A second
possible mechanism is immune suppression.
Increased sympathetic nervous system activation
appears to selectively inhibit certain aspects
of the immune response (e.g., Maier, Watkins, &
Fleshner, 1994). In principle, selective downSPECIAL
ISSUE: EMOTION REGULATION 281
regulation of immune parameters might, over
the longer term, lead to greater incidence of
illness. Here, too, however, much more needs to
be done before researchers can draw any firm
conclusions. Given the myriad forms of emotion#p#分页标题#e#
regulation, the important role of incompletely
defined individual differences in emotion generation
and regulation, and the multiple pathways
to good or poor health, documenting the
long-term health consequences of various forms
of emotion regulation is a task as daunting as it
is important.
Emotion Regulatory Processes
Emotions encode situation-response dependencies
that have proven valuable over the
sweep of millennia (Tooby & Cosmides, 1990).
As the preceding review amply demonstrates,
however, emotional response tendencies aren't
always appropriate to the situations we now
face. Contemporary physical and social environments
differ dramatically from those that shaped
our emotions. Responses that served our ancestors
well often are suited poorly to modem
exigencies. For example, technological advances
have magnified the consequences that
our emotional responses have for ourselves and
others: an angry impulse that once would have
bruised now kills, thanks to the ready availability
of handguns. These considerations suggest
the importance of emotion regulation. But how
should we conceptualize the potentially overwhelming
number of processes involved in
regulating emotional response tendencies?
One approach is to spell out exactly what
people do when they try to regulate a particular
emotion or mood. For example, Rippere (1977)
asked participants what they thought a person
should do if that person felt depressed. Thayer
and colleagues (Thayer, Newman, & McClain,
1994) asked participants in more general terms
what they do to change their moods. In a similar
vein, Parkinson and colleagues (Parkinson et al.,
1996) identified over 200 mood regulatory
strategies using both interview and questionnaire
methods. The descriptive approach used
by these researchers elicits reports of behaviors
ranging from exercise to drinking to seeking
social support. It has the advantage of staying
close to the phenomenon of interest. However,
when the focus is broad--on affective processes
including mood and emotion--there is an
infinite number of behavioral acts that might
qualify as affect regulatory. Although description
of behavior is an important first step, it
eventually may prove to be too low a level of
analysis.
A second approach is to categorize emotion
regulatory efforts on the basis of the emotion
component targeted for regulation, such as
experience, expression, or physiology (e.g.,
Walden & Smith, 1997). This approach has the
advantage of parsimony. However, it has the
disadvantage of lumping diverse ways of
achieving change in each domain. For example,
inhibiting emotion-expressive behavior may be
accomplished by changing the way one thinks#p#分页标题#e#
about a situation or by relaxing one's facial
muscles (Gross, 1998). Grouping these processes
together obscures important differences
in causes, consequences, and underlying mechanisms
of action. This approach also has the
liability that individuals often try to change
multiple aspects of the emotion at once rather
than just one aspect as, for example, when they
want to make the emotion go away altogether.
Although specification of the target system is
important, it too may not be quite the right level
of analysis.
A third approach is to undertake a conceptual
analysis of the processes underlying diverse
emotion regulatory acts (see Frijda, 1986, for a
more detailed discussion along these lines). In
the response-tendency conception of emotion
depicted in Figure 1, emotional response tendencies
are generated once stimuli have been evaluated
as important. Then, once emotional response
tendencies have been generated, they may be
modulated in various ways. Within this framework,
emotion regulatory acts may be seen as
having their primary impact at different points in
the emotion generative process. Of course, what
individuals do to regulate their emotions--such
as going out to a bar with friends in order to get
their mind off an upsetting fight with a
coworker--often involves multiple regulatory
processes. However, a process-oriented approach
may bring us closer to understanding the
causes, consequences, and underlying mechanisms
than the other two approaches.
I distinguish five sets of emotion regulatory
processes: situation selection, situation modification,
attention deployment, cognitive change,
and response modulation. This is an elaboration
of the two-way distinction I have offered previ282
GROSS
ously between antecedent-focused emotion regulation,
which occurs before the emotion is
generated, and response-focused emotion regulation,
which occurs after the emotion is
generated (Gross, 1998; Gross & Munoz, 1995).
To orient the reader, I briefly describe these five
forms of emotion regulation before going into
more detail below.
The first is situation selection, shown in
Figure 4 by the solid line toward Situation 2 ($2)
rather than Situation 1 (S1). Once selected, a
situation may be tailored so as to modify its
emotional impact. This constitutes situation
modification• Importantly, situations differ in
terms of how much they may be modified,
ranging from a hypothetical limiting case of a
situation with no room for change (denoted by
Slx) to a situation with modest potential for
change (S2x, S2y, S2z). Situations also vary in
complexity, ranging from a hypothetical limiting
case of a situation with one aspect (al) to a#p#分页标题#e#
situation with multiple aspects (al, a2, a3, a4,
a5). Attentional deployment may be used to
select which aspect of a situation a person
focuses on. Even after a situation has been
selected, modified, and selectively attended to, it
still is possible to alter its emotional impact.
Cognitive change refers to selecting which of
the many possible meanings (ml, m2, m3) will
be attached to a situation. It is this meaning (m2)
that gives rise to emotional response tendencies,
including behavioral, experiential, and physiological
tendencies. Response modulation refers
to influencing these response tendencies once
they have been elicited, illustrated in Figure 4 by
decreased behavioral response tendencies (Brather
than B).
The process model of emotion regulation
shown in Figure 4 has clear limitations. First,
situations, aspects, and meanings are terms that
have proven notoriously resistant to definition.
What is offered is a set of working distinctions
among regulatory processes that I have found
useful in navigating the tangled literatures
relevant to emotion regulation. Second, response
tendencies may be modulated in more
subtle ways than increasing and decreasing
them; Figure 4 illustrates rather than exhausts
the possibilities. Third, there may be important
asymmetries in control across response domains.
For example, it may be easier to directly
modulate emotion-expressive behavior than
emotion experience. Fourth, this scheme calls to
mind external situations. However, I mean to
include internal "situations" also, in which case
attentional deployment may be used to select
Situations Aspects Meanings Responses
.R SI . . . . . . . . . • Six . . . . . . . . . • al . . . . . . . . . • ml
.) al
. . • "* S2x . . -"" ". . - ") a2
$2 "~. ) S2y'¢~'"') a3 . . . . . ) ml
.... • S2z • ' - . ' : 7 " ~ a4 ,"" ) m2
"l a5 . . . . • m3
* Behavioral
Emotional
Response * Experiential
Tendencies
* Physiological
~ B+
B
B-
.--~ E+
"==~E
E-
...~, p+
. . . °
"-~p.
Situation Situation Attentional Cognitive
Selection Modification Deployment Change
Response
Modulation
Antecedent-Focused
Emotion Regulation
I I I
Response-Focused
Emotion Regulation
Figure 4. A process model of emotion regulation. (See text above for explanation of
abbreviations.)
SPECIAL ISSUE: EMOTION REGULATION 283
and modify imagined situations. Fifth, emotional
responses often modify situations, particulaxly
interpersonal situations. Emotions also
may give rise to attentional and cognitive#p#分页标题#e#
changes. Emotional responses thus may be seen
as the starting point for the next iteration of the
S-O--R sequence depicted in Figure 4. Feedback
pathways certainly could be introduced. Sixth,
emotion regulation can occur in parallel at
multiple points in the emotion generative
process, and regulatory processes are likely to
be adjusted dynamically. Seventh, reflecting
current limitations in our knowledge, this
scheme is silent regarding important topics such
as (a) the mechanisms subserving different
emotion regulatory processes, (b) the relations
among emotion regulatory processes, (c) the
relative efficacy of different forms of emotion
regulation, and (d) the interdependencies among
behavioral, experiential, and physiological response
tendencies. With these provisos on the
table, I turn to a discussion of the five forms of
emotion regulation shown in Figure 4.
Situation Selection
Situation selection refers to approaching or
avoiding certain people, places, or objects in
order to regulate emotions. Examples include
taking a different route to the store to avoid a
neighbor who tells offensive jokes or seeking
out a friend with whom one can have a good cry
(see Aspinwall & Taylor, 1997). To understand
situation selection, one must appreciate the
features of situations that typically make people
emotional (Scherer, Wallbott, & Summerfield,
1986). One also must appreciate individuals'
preferences regarding entertainment (Zillmann,
1988), self-gift-giving (Luomala & Laaksonen,
1997), and various aggregations of good and bad
news (Linville & Fischer, 1991). Situation
selection assumes knowledge of likely features
of remote situations and of expectable emotional
responses to these features. However, situations
are complex, and often have multiple layers of
emotional meaning. Self-knowledge is required
to make sound decisions about which situations
to seek out and which to avoid, particularly
when short-term benefits of emotion regulation
are pitted against longer term costs. A shy
person's efforts to decrease anxiety by avoiding
social situations may provide short-term relief at
the cost of longer term social isolation (Leary,
1986). Likewise, a sensation seeker's thrill
seeking may lead to injury (Zuckerman, 1979).
Because of the complexity of these tradeoffs,
effective situation selection may require the help
of caring others, ranging from parents to
partners to therapists. Indeed, one potent class of
cognitive-behavioral interventions involves
coaching regarding the situations to seek out or
avoid, such as when a therapist helps a
depressed patient plan pleasant activities (Lewinsohn
et al., 1986). Another important class of#p#分页标题#e#
cognitive-behavioral interventions involves helping
with stimulus control, which refers to the
regulation of behavior by anticipatory stimulus
selection (Kanfer & Gaelick, 1986), such as
when an individual avoids food cues in order not
to eat unwanted items (Schachter, 1968).
Situation Modification
A potentially emotion-eliciting situation--
whether a flat tire on the way to an important
appointment or loud music next door at 3:00
a.m.--does not ineluctably call forth emotion.
One may convert a meeting into a phone
conference, or convince a neighbor to tone down
a raucous party. Active efforts to directly modify
the situation so as to alter its emotional impact
constitute an important form of emotion regulation.
Such efforts have been referred to in the
stress and coping literature as problem-focused
coping (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984) and by
Rothbaum et al. (1982) as primary control.
Boundaries with situation selection are not
always clear, as robust efforts to modify a
situation may effectively call a new situation
into being. Another interesting boundary issue is
distinguishing the direct consequences of emotion
expression from those of emotion regulation.
Emotional expressions have important
social consequences and can dramatically alter
ongoing interactions (Keltner & Kring, 1998). If
one's partner suddenly looks sad, this can shift
the trajectory of an angry interaction as one
pauses to express concern or even backpeddle.
Thus emotion expressions are a potent means of
changing ongoing social interaction, and emotion
regulatory efforts that target situation
modification must be distinguished from the
direct consequences of unregulated emotion
expression (see Gross, in press).
284 GROSS
Attentional Deployment
Attentional deployment is one of the first
emotion regulatory processes to appear (Rothbart,
Ziaie, & O'Boyle, 1992). Strategies for changing
attentional focus may be grouped loosely under the
headings of distraction, concentration, and rumination.
Distraction focuses attention on nonemotional
aspects of the situation (Nix, Watson, Pyszczynski,
& Greenberg, 1995) or moves attention away from
the immediate situation altogether (Derryberry &
Rothbart, 1988), such as when an infant shifts its
gaze from the emotion-eliciting stimulus to decrease
stimulation (Stem, 1977; Stifter & Moyer,
1991). Dislraction also may involve changing
internal focus, such as when individuals disengage
from elusive goals by shifting attention to more
tractable ones (Mclntosh, 1996). Undesirable associative
Wains may be disrupted by saying "stop!"
(Meichenbaum, 1985) or by invoking thoughts
(Fraley & Shaver, 1997) or memories (Josephson,#p#分页标题#e#
Singer, & Salovey, 1996) that are inconsistent
with the undesirable emotional state. For
example, repressive coping may involve quickly
deflecting attention away from potentially threatening
stimuli (Boden & Baumeister, 1997; Krohne,
1996). In such cases, attentional deployment
may effectively be used to select new (internal)
situations, illustrating the permeable boundaries
among emotion regulation strategies. Concentration-
whether on work, gardening, rock climbing,
or art has the capacity to absorb cognitive
resources (Erber & Tesser, 1992); a well-chosen
task can create a self-sustaining transcendent
state that Csikszentmihalyi (1975) calls flow.
Concentration also may be used to draw attention to
emotion Iriggers. This is the heart of method acting,
in which an actor calls to mind an emotional
incident in order to portray that emotion convincingly
(Stanislavski, 1965). Wegner and Bargh
(1998) have termed this controlled starting of
emotion. Like the distraction examples above, this
use of concentration might be considered an internal
version of situation selection. Rumination also
involves directed attention, but here attention is
directed to feelings and their consequences. Ruminating
on the negative emotions characteristic of
depression leads to longer and more severe
depressive symptoms (Just & Alloy, 1997; Nolen-
Hoeksema, 1993). Similarly, Borkovec and colleagues
(Borkovec, Roemer, & Kinyon, 1995) have
shown that worrying---or focusing attention on
possible future threats--leads to long-lasting anxiety.
4 One intriguing issue is how best to represent
the complex tradeoffs between short-term and
long-term costs and benefits of various attentional
forms of emotion regulation.
Cognitive Change
Even after emotion-eliciting features of the
situation have been attended to, an emotional
response is by no means a foregone conclusion.
Emotion requires that percepts be embued with
meaning and that individuals evaluate their
capacity to manage the situation. Cognitively
oriented emotion researchers have described the
cognitive steps needed to transform a percept
into something that elicits emotion (e.g., Scherer,
1988; C. A. Smith & Ellsworth, 1985). Personality
psychologists have described the evaluations
individuals make regarding their capacity to
manage the perceived situation (e.g., Bandura,
1997; Folkman & Lazarus, 1988). Cognitive
change consists of modifying these cognitive
steps or evaluations (Frijda, 1986). Classical
psychological defenses such as denial, isolation,
and intellectualization fall under this broad
heading. The tendency to interpret events more
positively than warranted also may be included#p#分页标题#e#
(S. E. Taylor & Armor, 1996; S. E. Taylor &
Brown, 1988). Another form of cognitive
change that has received attention is downward
social comparison, which involves comparing
one's situation with that of a less fortunate
person, thereby altering one's construal and
decreasing negative emotion (Taylor & Lobel,
1989; Wills, 1981). Cognitive reframing may be
a particularly potent form of cognitive change,
such as when one experiences failure with
respect to one goal but reframes this as a
success--or at least a nonevent--with respect to
another goal (see Carver et al., 1996). One form
of cognitive change that has received particular
attention is reappraisal. This involves cognitively
transforming the situation so as to alter its
emotional impact. Leading participants to reappraise
negatively valenced films has been
4 Worry directs attention toward threatening material,
leading to chronic low-grade anxiety. However, worry also
has a re-evaluative aspect, in that it limits how elaborately
emotional information is processed (Lang, 1979). This
cognitive re-evaluation negatively reinforces worry by
detoxifying negative situations. Worry also may serve to
distract from other, more troubling concerns (Borkovek et
al., 1995).
SPECIAL ISSUE: EMOTION REGULATION 285
shown to result in decreased negative emotion
experience (Cantor & Wilson, 1984; Dandoy &
Goldstein, 1990; Gross, 1998; Langer, Janis, &
Wolfer, 1975; Lazarus & Alfert, 1964). However,
in the context of extremely disgusting
films, decreases in physiological responding are
not always evident (Gross, 1998; Steptoe &
Vogele, 1986), perhaps because so little cognitive
processing is needed in order to translate
these images into emotional responses (Lang,
1979; LeDoux, 1994). This explanation leads to
the prediction that in more complex situations,
reappraisals should have a greater impact on the
emotional response. And so they do: Stemmler
(1997) has shown that reappraisal decreases
physiological responding in an interpersonal
situation in which participants are verbally
harassed by an experimenter. These studies
suggest the potential for manipulating cognitivechange
strategies in order to probe the emotion
generative process.
Response Modulation
Response modulation refers to directly influencing
physiological, experiential, or behavioral
responding. In contrast with the emotion regulatory
processes described above, response modulation
occurs late in the emotion generative
process, after response tendencies have been
initiated. Attempts at regulating the physiological
and experiential aspects of emotion are
common. Drugs may be used to target physiological#p#分页标题#e#
responses such as muscle tension
(anti-anxiolytics) or sympathetic hyperreactivity
(beta blockers). Exercise (Thayer et al.,
1994), biofeedback (Schwartz, 1975), and relaxation
(Suinn & Richardson, 1971; Wolpe, 1958)
also can be used to decrease physiological and
experiential aspects of negative emotions such
as anxiety, and Jacobsen's (1938) progressive
relaxation therapy is now an integral component
of cognitive-behavioral therapies (Barlow,
1986). As is widely appreciated, alcohol (e.g.,
Hull & Bond, 1986), cigarettes (e.g., Brandon,
1994; Gilbert, 1979), cocaine (e.g., Khantzian,
1985), and even food (e.g., Lingswiler et al.,
1989) also may be used to modify emotion
experience. 5 The most common form of emotion
regulation, however, may be regulating emotionexpressive
behavior (Gross, Feldman Barrett, &
Richards, 1998). By and large, studies have
shown that initiating emotion-expressive behavior
slightly increases the feeling of that emotion
(Izard, 1990; Matsumoto, 1987). Fewer studies
have examined the suppression of ongoing
emotional behavior. However, results to date
suggest that inhibiting expressive behavior
decreases self-reported experience of some
emotions (e.g., pride, amusement) but not others
(e.g., disgust, sadness) while increasing sympathetic
nervous system responding (for a review,
see Gross & Levenson, 1997). By seeing what
happens as response tendencies are disrupted,
researchers will obtain a better understanding of
basic emotional processes (Rinn, 1984). Research
on response modulation thus provides an
important tool for better understanding the
response coherence presumed by the responsetendency
perspective.
Remaining Challenges
This review demonstrates the integrative
power of the construct of emotion regulation.
Apparently disparate concerns are brought
under one conceptual framework, sharpening
questions about points of convergence and
divergence among seemingly unrelated processes.
This review also demonstrates the
generative power of the construct of emotion
regulation. In the preceding sections, I touched
on a number of empirical questions. In the
following, I consider three challenges that the
field still needs to address. Can emotion
regulation really be distinguished from emotion
generation? What are individuals' emotion
regulatory goals? How does emotion regulation
relate to other forms of self-regulation?
Emotion and Emotion Regulation
As is shown in Figure 4, emotion regulatory
processes are tightly intertwined with emotion
generative processes. Indeed, some theorists
5 Alcohol has both direct and indirect emotion regulatory
effects. I have pointed to its direct effects on somatic tension.#p#分页标题#e#
Alcohol also may have indirect emotion regulatory effects
via attentional deployment (Hull, 1981). For example, Steele
and Josephs (1990) have argued that alcohol restricts
attention to immediate, salient cues, thereby decreasing
negative emotions if one is engaged by stimuli unrelated to
one's troubles, but increasing negative emotions if one has
little else to focus on other than one's misery.
286 GROSS
argue that emotion regulation is best seen as part
and parcel of emotion (Frijda, 1986). After all,
adult emotions are almost always regulated
(Tomkins, 1984), and emotion-generative brain
centers appear to be tonically restrained by the
prefrontal cortex (Stuss & Benson, 1986). On
the other hand, both common sense and the
response-tendency conception of emotion suggest
the necessity of distinguishing between
emotion and emotion regulation.
Disentangling emotion generative and emotion
regulatory processes represents a tremendous
challenge (Mayer & Salovey, 1995).
Emotion regulation must be inferred when an
emotional response would have proceeded in
one fashion but instead is observed to proceed in
another. Inferences such as these are fraught
with difficulty. For example, an expressionless
face in someone who typically expresses and
gesticulates wildly at the slightest excuse may
be rich with meaning, but the same lack of
expression in someone who rarely shows any
sign of emotion is less strongly suggestive of
emotion regulation. Emotion regulation thus
requires a formidable level of certainty about
emotion in its unregulated state. Without this,
discussions of emotion regulation devolve into
postdictions that can explain any pattern of
findings (Kappas, 1996). This is particularly true
when emotion regulation is invoked to explain a
lack of emotion where emotion might be
expected--that is, when two hidden processes,
emotion and emotion regulation, are invoked to
explain a nonresponse (Frijda, 1986). Because
certainty about when and how emotions have
been regulated is low, thresholds for inferring
emotion regulation should be high.
Emotion Regulatory Goals
Like other goals, emotion regulatory goals
can be framed at varying levels of abstraction. 6
Goals can range from the specific, such as not
letting friends see one's amusement at their
bawdy jokes, to the general, such as behaving in
a loving way toward others. These goals may be
conscious and highly salient, such as not
showing nervousness when meeting one's fiancee's
parents for the first time. These goals also
may be less focal, such as when they are
embedded in the higher level goal of succeeding
at a job that requires compliance with specific
feeling rules (Hochschild, 1979) or display rules#p#分页标题#e#
(Ekman, 1972). Importantly, emotion regulatory
goals often are context specific, such as
matching the emotional state of an anticipated
interaction partner (Erber, Wegner, & Therriault,
1996). Goals also may vary by emotion. As a
culture, Americans have a long history of
concern with the management of anger (Steams
& Steams, 1986; Tavris, 1982), but other
emotions such as surprise are less highly
regulated. One additional complexity is that the
relative standing of emotion regulatory goals
versus other important goals changes over the
life span. Carstensen (1995) has argued, for
example, that emotion regulatory goals increase
in importance relative to other social goals as
individuals perceive time limitations (e.g., as
they approach death).
What are typical emotion regulatory goals?
Individuals often seek to decrease negative
emotions and increase positive emotions. For
example, flight attendants limit hostile feelings
toward unpleasant passengers (Hochschild,
1983), and college students enhance positive
feelings by social sharing (Clark & Isen, 1982;
Langston, 1994). These goals are readily understood
in hedonistic terms: people are motivated
to avoid pain and seek pleasure. But emotion
regulation is broader than a simple hedonistic
account suggests. Emotion regulation also involves
increasing or initiating negative emotions
and decreasing or stopping positive
emotions (Masters, 1991; Parrott, 1993; Wegner
& Bargh, 1998). For example, bill collectors
may increase their anger to help collect
delinquent accounts (Sutton, 1991), and the
bearers of bad news may limit positive emotions
as they deliver their unwelcome news (Tesser,
Rosen, & Waranch, 1973). An empirical account
of individuals' emotion regulatory goals is
sorely needed. Such an account would permit a
more complete analysis of the costs and benefits
of different forms of emotion regulation as they
are used in the service of various goals. This
analysis also would help shed light on how
factors such as fatigue (Baumeister & Heatherton,
1996) and mental load (Wegner, 1994)
differentially compromise an individual's ability
to achieve specific regulatory goals.
6 As noted by Carver et al. (1996), the notion of goals has
enjoyed increased prominence in psychology recently.
Related terms include current concerns (Klinger, 1977) and
personal strivings (Emmons, 1986). I do not mean to
distinguish among these here.
SPECIAL ISSUE: EMOTION REGULATION 287
Emotion Regulation and Other Forms
of Self-Regulation
stronger empirical links across diverse forms of
self-regulation.
Emotional impulses are by no means the only
impulses with which we must contend. How#p#分页标题#e#
does emotion regulation relate to the regulation
of moods (Carver & Scheier, 1990; Morris &
Reilly, 1987; Thayer, 1996), appetitive impulses
(Mischel, 1974; Polivy, 1990), and other prepotent
responses (Baumeister & Heatherton, 1996)?
Are impulses to respond--and the processes by
which they are modulated--crucially similar, as
suggested by Block and Block's (1980) conception
of ego control and by recent discussions of
impulsivity (Newman et al., 1993)? Or must
distinctions among various forms of selfregulation
be maintained?
In the domain of affect, models of emotion
regulation and mood regulation eventually may
take their place in superordinate models of affect
regulation. However, given that all behavior is
arguably affect regulatory in some broad sense, I
believe it may prove useful to retain a somewhat
narrower focus, such as that provided by
emotion regulation. Distinctions also may be
necessary between processes that regulate emotion
and those that regulate learned responses
such as keypresses (Logan, Schachar, & Tannock,
1997), reading (J.M.G. Williams, Mathews,
& MacLeod, 1996), or stereotypes (Devine,
1989). Presumably, the coordinated set of
response tendencies postulated in emotion is
absent, or present in a simplified form, in the
context of these learned responses. It is less
clear, however, whether processes that regulate
emotional impulses should be distinguished
from those that regulate impulses associated
with hunger, thirst, aggression, and sexual
arousal (Buck, 1985; Loewenstein, 1996). Mischel's
(1996) famous "marshmallow studies" of
young children's ability to delay gratification
highlight the role of attentional processes such
as distraction and reframing that also are
relevant to emotion regulation. Similarly, Shiftman
(1984) described cognitive strategies used
for smoking abstinence that could just as well be
used in emotion regulation. What are the
differences among regulatory processes across
families of impulses, ranging from appetitive to
aggressive to emotional? This issue is certain to
attract continued interest as researchers from a
variety of domains (e.g., weight loss, substance
abuse, aggression, emotion regulation) fashion
Conclusions
Wisdom has been defined as "the harmony of
reason and the passions" (Solomon, 1976, p.
412). But what is this elusive harmony, and how
can it be achieved? Over the centuries, some
have argued that wisdom is only possible when
the emotions are silenced and when reason does
all the talking (e.g., Seneca, 40-50/1963).
Others have taken the opposite view, as did
Hume, who asserted that "reason is, and ought
only to be, the slave of the passions" (1739/#p#分页标题#e#
1969, p. 462). In the past few decades, emotion
researchers using William James's (1884) response-
tendency conception of emotion generally
have favored the view that emotions not
only served our ancestors well but serve us well
too. Emotions thus are said to represent the
accumulated "wisdom of the ages" (Lazarus,
1991b, p. 820), preparing us to respond to
challenges and opportunities (Frijda, 1986) and
providing us with information about what is
important and how we are faring with respect to
our goals (Clore, 1994; Damasio, 1994).
But the events that grip us emotionally are not
always the ones that we should focus our
energies on, and the behavioral responses that
are primed by emotions are not always the ones
that are needed to achieve longer term goals
(Gross, in pres~). In the past few decades, an
exciting new chapter has opened in the ongoing
debate as to how to achieve just the right sort of
harmony between reason and the emotions.
Psychological science has begun to offer empirical
insights into individuals' attempts to influence
which emotions they have, when they have
them, and how they experience and express
these emotions. To date, researchers typically
have examined emotion regulatory strategies in
isolation from one another, often without
offering an explicit definition of emotion. In this
review, I have outlined an evolutionary perspective
that views emotions as response tendencies
and suggested several points in the emotion
generative process at which emotion might be
regulated. This perspective suggests that wellbeing
may be most likely when we (a) regulate
emotion antecedents so that we are emotionally
engaged by those pursuits that have enduring
value, (b) attend to and to experience our
288 GROSS
emotions in a richly differentiated fashion so
that we notice subtle changes in response
tendencies, and (c) cultivate the capacity to
modulate emotional response components in a
variety of ways with a full appreciation of the
immediate and longer term consequences (Frijda,
1988).
This opens a middle course between silencing
the emotions and listening to them and to them
alone. Cooperation between reason and emotion
brings our actions into line with our enduring
concerns, motivating and sustaining action
directed toward longer-term projects in the face
of temporary setbacks, helping us decide which
battles are worth taking up and which to avoid
(Batson, Shaw, & Oleson, 1992). At this early
stage, our theoretical and empirical grasp of
emotion regulation is still quite uncertain, and
the details of how such an integration of reason
and emotion might be achieved remain obscure.
Nonetheless, this review of the emerging field of#p#分页标题#e#
emotion regulation suggests that an investment
in this domain will be repaid amply as we
develop the theoretical models and the empirical
findings needed to provide better answers than
have ever before been possible to age-old
questions about how emotions can--and
should--be managed in order to optimize
human functioning.
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Received November 3, 1997
Revision received March 22, 1998
Accepted April 22, 1998 •
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